scholarly journals TURKEY AND RUSSIA AS MAJOR PLAYERS IN THE BLACK SEA: CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 22-30
Author(s):  
Nuri Demirel
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Black Sea ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
Regional Cooperation ◽  
The Black Sea ◽  
Black Sea Region ◽  
The World ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Republic Of Turkey

Currently, the Republic of Turkey plays a vital role in international processes taking place on the world stage. Since ancient times, at the crossroads of the paths between the world of East and West, the Republic of Turkey claims to have an excellent position in the relations of these regions with each other, as well as in their internal processes and events. The universal location between Europe and Asia makes Turkish foreign policy one of its main political issues, especially in the field of regional cooperation. Moreover, the changes in the world of recent decades, such as the collapse of the USSR, revolutions and military operations in eastern countries, the transition of Crimea to Russia, lead to the fact that Turkey pursued its foreign policy thoughtfully and actively, taking the most advantageous positions for itself. An essential region for pursuing Turkish policy is the Black Sea region. The events of recent years have significantly affected him and the role that large states play in him, such as the Republic of Turkey and the Russian Federation. It also began to arouse great interest among states and regions of the Western world, such as the European Union. The changed geopolitical structure of the Black Sea region has led to the need for its members to determine their positions and areas of interaction in which they are ready to cooperate or, on the contrary, to oppose each other. In this article, the author will examine the relations of the Turkish Republic and the Russian Federation in the Black Sea region and its importance. In this study, political relations, security, economy, energy, and security will be discussed. In the conclusion of the study, the current state of Turkey-Russia relations and assessments will be made about its future.

scholarly journals THE IMPORTANCE OF THE BLACK SEA SECURITY COOPERATION BETWEEN THE REPUBLIC OF TURKEY AND UKRAINE AND THE EUROPEAN UNION BLACK SEA SYNERGY SECURITY SYSTEM

2020 ◽  
pp. 168-179
Author(s):  
Elmira Akhmedova
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Black Sea ◽  
The Black Sea ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Regional Stability ◽  
Black Sea Region ◽  
Legal Documents ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Republic Of Turkey

The article examines the content, main points, and objectives of the European Union 2007 Regional Cooperation Initiative Black Sea Synergy, issues that lie within the common interests of the Black Sea states as well as potential challenges to the regional stability in the Black Sea region. It also examines the basic legal documents which are an integral part of the European Union’s legal international cooperation in the framework of the Black Sea Initiative. It also researches the national interests of Ukraine, the main directions and the importance of building strategic relations between Ukraine and the Turkish Republic in terms of ensuring regional stability in the Black Sea region.The article researches the importance of the Black Sea region in building security and stability in Europe and Asia, international legal documents between the parties in building regional Black Sea security and strategic interests of Ukraine in cooperation with the Republic of Turkey in the Black Sea security. It is stressed that the Black Sea Region is one of the main factors in building security and stability in Europe and Asia. Along with other issues in the region, ethnic conflicts, ongoing state-building processes, possessing the vast natural resources, the strategic significance of transportation corridors means that the region is an extremelyimportant and sensitive area. Special attention is given to an analysis of bilateral relations between the Republic of Turkey and Ukraine that are becoming more strategic consideringTurkey’s special role in the Black Sea region and its complementary role for the European Union policy in the region. It states that the dramatic change in the geopolitical situation in the region in 2014 led to the revision of Ukraine’s foreign policy towards the Republic of Turkey. The Republic of Turkey has moved to the top of Ukraine’s foreign policy priorities following the loss of Crimea, the conflict in eastern Ukraine and the general aggravation of the security situation in theBlack Sea region. The article concludes that the Black Sea Synergy remains declarative as itdoes not provide a clear explanation of the EU’s political position on the Black Sea issues. It requires very specific action to prevent real threats. In the current situation, Ukraine can only achieve its strategic goal through cooperation within the framework of regional associations of different plans. 

The Basic Principles and Practices of the Turkish Foreign Policy Under Atatürk

Belleten ◽  
2000 ◽  
Vol 64 (241) ◽  
pp. 949-968
Author(s):  
Yücel Güçlü
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Black Sea ◽  
Great Power ◽  
The Black Sea ◽  
Power Politics ◽  
Basic Principles ◽  
Turkish Foreign Policy ◽  
Great Power Politics ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Republic Of Turkey

The basic foreign policy of Turkey under Atatürk was one of friendship with all its neighbours and non-involvement in Great Power politics. Atatürk was essentially a realist. He repudiated adventurism and expansionism. What Turkey wanted was to accomplish its internal reconstruction in peace. The major stance of Atatürk's diplomacy was not only pacific, but was also clearly respectful of law. Since the Republic of Turkey came into existence, the main background of Turkish foreign policy had been friendship with the Soviets. Good relations with Russia guaranteed Turkey's continued security on its northeastern frontier and in the Black Sea. Following the Italian conquest of Ethiopia and basically on account of this fact a Turco-British rapprochement started to take shape since 1935. Close co-operation between Turkey and Britain during the Montreux Straits Conference further accelerated the pace. Another aspect of Turkish foreign policy was the Balkan Entente of 1934 to guard against aggression in the region. Turkey's part in the Saadabad Pact of 1937 had also been active and enthusiastic. Regaining of Turkish sovereignty over the Straits at the Montreux Conference and winning back of the district of Hatay were among the most important successes of the Turkish diplomacy under Atatürk's auspices.

Legal and Economic Consequences of Russia's Expansionary Policy

2022 ◽  
pp. 243-256
Author(s):  
Giga Abuseridze ◽  
Janis Grasis
Keyword(s):  
Black Sea ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Economic Consequences ◽  
The Black Sea ◽  
Legal Analysis ◽  
Military Interventions ◽  
Black Sea Region ◽  
The World ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Russian Federation

In the recent history of the world, especially in the last two decades, large-scale military actions by Russia and Russian intervention have attracted wide international attention. Russia's increasingly confrontational stance has been manifested in military interventions in Georgia (2008) and in Ukraine (2014). The occupation/annexation of the territories of Georgia and Ukraine by the Russian Federation is a gross violation of the principle of sovereignty and territorial integrity of a country, as well as of the norms and principles of international law, that have significantly changed the international order established between the states and called into question the security of the Black Sea region and Europe as a whole. The purpose of this chapter is to provide a legal analysis of Russia's aggressive policy and the economic consequences of Ukraine and Georgia as aggrieved parties.

RUSSIAN ANTI-ACCESS POTENTIAL (A2 / AD) ON THE CRIMEAN PENINSULA

2020 ◽  
Vol XIV ◽  
pp. 0-1
Author(s):  
Patryk Reśkiewicz
Keyword(s):  
Black Sea ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
The Black Sea ◽  
Security Architecture ◽  
Crimean Peninsula ◽  
Black Sea Region ◽  
South Eastern ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Crimean Peninsula

The purpose of the following article is to present the military capabilities of the Russian Federation located on the Crimean peninsula, and to define in this context Russian A2/AD anti-access capabilities and their impact on the security architecture of the Black Sea region, in particular NATO's south-eastern flank

scholarly journals KHARKIV AGREEMENTS OF 2010: VISIONS OF POLITICAL, MEDIA AND EXPERT CIRCLES IN UKRAINE

2020 ◽  
Vol 33 ◽  
pp. 194-213
Author(s):  
Pavlo ARTYMYSHYN
Keyword(s):  
Black Sea ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
The Black Sea ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Crimean Peninsula ◽  
Black Sea Region ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
Political Media ◽  
The Crimean Peninsula

The main visions of the political, media, and expert circles in Ukraine concerning the conclusion of the Kharkiv Agreements in 2010 – the pact between Ukraine and the Russian Federation on the stay of the Black Sea Fleet of the Russian Federation Navy on the territory of Ukraine are determined. It is alleged that circles close to the President of Ukraine, Viktor Yanukovych, saw them as a sign of the beginning of an era of intense Ukrainian-Russian relations, including the issue of cheaper gas, which would help to overcome the crisis in the economy and provide a lower price for gas for both industrial and household consumers. Instead, the agreements in the opposition were seen as a betrayal of Ukrainian national interests, the creation in the Black Sea region of a destabilizing center in the form of the Black Sea Fleet of the Russian Navy, and the beginning of Ukraine’s integration into the Russian geopolitical space. At the same time, the Ukrainian side was unable to persuade the Russian to sign new gas agreements to revise the price of «blue fuel» in essence, rather than through a discount system. Opposition criticism was also not effective under these circumstances: although the topic of prolongation of the Russian Navy’s Black Sea Fleet base in Sevastopol became one of the tenets of their anti-government rhetoric, however, the unification of the opposition had not yet grown into an institutionalized movement, acquiring such features only on the eve of the parliamentary elections in 2012. Instead, the Russian side took full advantage of the Ukrainian concessions of 2010. It is the preservation of the Black Sea Fleet on the Crimean Peninsula that allowed the Russians to prepare the ground for its annexation and for the nourishment of the Russian chauvinist ideology about Sevastopol as a «Russian city». Keywords: Kharkiv Agreements of 2010, politicum, mass media, expert environment, visions, the Black Sea Fleet of the Russian Federation Navy, gas, Ukraine, Russian Federation.

scholarly journals Russian Politics Toward Ukraine: was there Ever a Strategic Partnership?

2019 ◽  
pp. 131-144
Author(s):  
Olga Brusylovska ◽  
Igor Koval
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Black Sea ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
Strategic Partnership ◽  
The Black Sea ◽  
Strategic Partner ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
Russian Politics ◽  
Russian Military ◽  
High Level

The hypothesis of this research was that these states never had a rich level of strategic partner-ship (despite the officially proclaimed status), but always remained a sort of “negative strate- gic dependence” because of the high level of asymmetry in their relations. I. Zhovkva proved that the attribute of strategic partnership is community of strategic interests without its further reflections existing relations are superfluous. G. Perepelytsia marked that scientists must distinguish two definitions of strategic partnership – as a level of the attained cooperation and as an instrument of state foreign policy. In the given article strategic partnership is examined in two measures. The first part is sanctified to the use of the concept of strategic partnership in the foreign policy of the Russian Federation (on the example of Ukraine), and second to accordance of level of their cooperation proclaimed strategic partnership. After 1991, the goal of Moscow was ‘a friendly and neutral Ukraine.’ The relations were built primarily on an economic basis, but even then Russia widely used a ban on the import of some goods as a political instrument. After 2004, problems in Russian-Ukrainian relations related to the Russian military base in Crimea and the basing of the Russian Black Sea Fleet aggravated. Kremlin tried to destruct Ukraine rather than let it go its own way these witnessed against the contemporary concept of strategic partnership, which was the foundation of Russian politics towards Ukraine. Rather, the RF used very old policy of ‘stick and carrot’ (low gas prices and other economic preferences as the carrot, responsibility for ‘compatriots’ as the stick). The Treaty on Friendship, Cooperation, and Partnership between Ukraine and the Russian Federation was denounced as well as all Russian-Ukrainian agreements on the Black Sea Fleet, so, the RF itself refuses from using ‘strategic partnership’ as instrument of its policy towards Ukraine.

THE APPLICATION FEATURES AN INTEGRATED ASSESSMENT METHOD FOR THE ANALYSIS OF TOURIST AND RECREATIONAL CAPACITY ON THE EXAMPLE OF THE MUNICIPALITY OF TUAPSINSKY DISTRICT

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mikael Arakelov ◽  
Mikael Arakelov ◽  
Arthur Arakelov ◽  
Arthur Arakelov
Keyword(s):  
Black Sea ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
Integrated Assessment ◽  
Assessment Method ◽  
The Black Sea ◽  
Regional Management ◽  
Black Sea Coast ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
Tourism Potential ◽  
Sea Coast

Tourism is one of the most dynamically developing branches of economy in the Russian Federation in general and on the Black Sea coast in particular, in this regard, the assessment of tourism potential is one of the most important tasks of regional management.

Diplomatic Culture in the Canada-U.S. Model of Asymmetrical Relationship

2014 ◽  
pp. 98-106
Author(s):  
E. Komkova
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
World War ◽  
Policy Strategy ◽  
Responsible Behavior ◽  
The World ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
Rules Of The Game

The management of the Canada–U.S. asymmetry might be defined as rather successful example. After the World War II Canadian and American officials have developed a set of specific bargaining norms, which can be referred to as the “rules of the game”, and “diplomatic culture”. Their existence leads to predictability of relationships, to empathy, and to expectations of “responsible” behavior. The study of the Canada–U.S. model of civilized asymmetrical relationship lays grounds for further investigation on how it can be applied to the foreign policy strategy of the Russian Federation in its relations with asymmetrical partners from the “near neighbourhood”.

EXTERNAL AND INTERNAL FACTORS OF EVOLUTION OF THE EURASIAN TRACK OF THE REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA’S FOREIGN POLICY

2021 ◽  
pp. 177-192
Author(s):  
Nicole BODISHTEANU
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cultural Values ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Recipient Country ◽  
Internal Factors ◽  
Republic Of Moldova ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Policy Direction

The author considers main external and internal factors of the formation of the Eurasian track in foreign policy of the Republic of Moldova from 2009 to 2020. Among main internal factors of the development of the Eurasian (as opposed to European) track of foreign policy, the author singles out: 1) coming to power of the pro-Russian president I. Dodon; 2) current orientation of the economy on the market of the CIS countries; 3) pro-Western parliamentary contingent and representatives of the Party of Action and Solidarity led by M. Sandu, who, on the contrary, helps to blur this track. Among external factors, the author does put an accent on: 1) the influence of the Ukrainian crisis on public opinion of Moldovan citizens towards Western institutions, and as a result, the growing popularity of the «pro-Russian» foreign policy direction; 2) «soft power» of the Russian Federation, mostly concentrated on a common language (Russian) and cultural values (literature, historical past, etc.); 3) willingness of Eurasian partners (mainly the Russian Federation) to provide assistance in crisis situations at no cost, unlike European and Western institutions, which traditionally indicate a number of democratic transformations in the recipient country as one of the conditions for providing assistance. The author comes to the conclusion that the Eurasian track of the foreign policy of the Republic of Moldova is still in its «infancy», but it has great potential and promises interesting prospects for a small state with a favorable geographical position, located at the crossroads of the most important transport routes between the West and the East.

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