Political Foundation of Foreign Aid Policy: Determinants of Individual Preferences on Foreign Aid in South Korea

2019 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 3-26
Author(s):  
Dong-Hun Kim
2018 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 261-281 ◽  
Author(s):  
Osman S Kiratli

This article explores the determinants of individual support for common aid policy in the European Union, the largest multilateral contributor of foreign aid. Using the 2016 Eurobarometer survey data, I first investigate the influence of individuals’ assessments of aid objectives on support for multilateral disbursements, and second, I explore the effect of country-level factors, population and economic power. Multilevel regression models reveal that those who prioritize economic infrastructural projects in developing countries are highly negative of the utilization of EU channels. Conversely, individual preferences for the promotion of democratic reforms and the provision of basic necessities are strongly and positively associated with the dependent variable. The results also demonstrate that individuals living in lower income and less populated polities are more positively disposed towards common aid policy.


2016 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-75
Author(s):  
Jisun Yi

Why are donor goverments eager to increase foreign aid and how do they justify aid increase? This essay present a historical insight into the bilateral donors' rhetoric behind aid expansion. south korea provides one critical case. Not with standing its imperssive aid growth over the last decade, the country has constantly failed to meet its annual commitment by a significant margin. This article argues that such policy behaviour might stem from its legacy as a 'reactive state.' During the cold War, the country's nascent aid policy regime produced expansionary but non-strategic rhetoric, due to its fragmented structure and lack of indigenenous policy rationales. such traits of the policy regime linger today, thereby continuously favouring overstimated aid targets ana outwardlooking aid initiatives.


2021 ◽  
pp. 135406612110442
Author(s):  
Tobias Heinrich ◽  
Yoshiharu Kobayashi ◽  
Edward Lawson

Pundits, development practitioners, and scholars worry that rising populism and international disengagement in developed countries have negative consequences on foreign aid. However, how populism and foreign aid go together is not well understood. This paper provides the first systematic examination of this relationship. We adopt the popular ideational definition of populism, unpack populism into its core “thin” elements, and examine them within a delegation model of aid policy—a prominent framework in the aid literature. In so doing, we identify specific domestic political processes through which the core components of populism may affect aid spending. We argue that increases in one component of populism—anti-elitism—and in nativist sentiments, an associated concept, in a donor country lead to a reduction in aid spending through a public opinion channel. We supply both micro- and macro-evidence for our arguments by fielding surveys in the United States and United Kingdom as well as by analyzing aid spending by a large number of OECD donors. Our findings show that nativism and anti-elitism, rather than populism per se, influence not only individual attitudes toward aid but also actual aid policy and generate important insights into how to address populist challenges to foreign aid. Beyond these, our study contributes to the broader International Relations literature by demonstrating one useful analytical approach to studying populism, nativism, and foreign policy.


2006 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexandros Mourmouras ◽  
Peter Coia Rangazas
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
Bramantyo Tri Asmoro

ABSTRAKAustralia setiap tahun mempunyai kebijakan bantuan luar negeri yang difokuskan pada kawasan Asia Pasifik. Untuk kawasan Pasifik Selatan, Australia memfokuskan pada negara-negara Melanesia seperti Papua Nugini, Solomon Islands, Fiji dan Vanuatu. Namun sejak tahun 2001, Australia meningkatkan bantuan finansial ke sebuah negara kecil bernama Nauru. Nauru terletak di kawasan Micronesia dan mempunyai ukuran yang sangat kecil. Dibandingkan dengan negara Pasifik Selatan lainnya, bantuan Australia ke Nauru cenderung terus meningkat. Fakta ini menimbulkan suatu pertanyaan, mengapa Australia meningkatkan bantuan finansialnya ke Nauru, khusunya sejak tahun 2001?Dalam menjawab pertanyaan di atas, penulis menggunakan teori motivasi bantuan luar negeri, kemanan regional, dan konsep pertahanan Australia, yaitu continental defence. Hasil dari penelitian ini adalah Australia meningkatkan bantuan finansial ke Nauru karena ingin menjaga keamanan regional. Nauru terancam menjadi negara gagal hingga dapat memberikan efek yang buruk terhadap keamanan regional Pasifik Selatan.   Kata Kunci : bantuan luar negeri, keamanan regional, negara gagal. ABSTRACTAustralia has foreign aid policy distributed to Asia Pacific region annually. Specifically for South Pacific region, Melanesian countries such as Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands, Fiji and Vanuatu had always been main priorities. But since 2001, Australia increased its financial aid to Nauru, a small country located in Micronesia. Compared to other countries in South Pacific, Australia's financial aid to Nauru tends to increase. This fact raise a question about why Australia increased its financial aid to Nauru, especially since 2001?  To answer the question, the writer use foreign aid motivation theory, regional security, and Australia's defence concept, continental defence. The result of this research is, Australia increased its financial aid to Nauru because Australia want to maintain regional security. Nauru is potential failed state that can disturbed regional security in South PacificKeywords : failed state, foreign aid, regional security


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