scholarly journals Populism and foreign aid

2021 ◽  
pp. 135406612110442
Author(s):  
Tobias Heinrich ◽  
Yoshiharu Kobayashi ◽  
Edward Lawson

Pundits, development practitioners, and scholars worry that rising populism and international disengagement in developed countries have negative consequences on foreign aid. However, how populism and foreign aid go together is not well understood. This paper provides the first systematic examination of this relationship. We adopt the popular ideational definition of populism, unpack populism into its core “thin” elements, and examine them within a delegation model of aid policy—a prominent framework in the aid literature. In so doing, we identify specific domestic political processes through which the core components of populism may affect aid spending. We argue that increases in one component of populism—anti-elitism—and in nativist sentiments, an associated concept, in a donor country lead to a reduction in aid spending through a public opinion channel. We supply both micro- and macro-evidence for our arguments by fielding surveys in the United States and United Kingdom as well as by analyzing aid spending by a large number of OECD donors. Our findings show that nativism and anti-elitism, rather than populism per se, influence not only individual attitudes toward aid but also actual aid policy and generate important insights into how to address populist challenges to foreign aid. Beyond these, our study contributes to the broader International Relations literature by demonstrating one useful analytical approach to studying populism, nativism, and foreign policy.

2021 ◽  
Vol 06 (02) ◽  
pp. 28-29
Author(s):  
Nurlan Hajizade Nurlan Hajizade

One of the important vectors of economic development in the modern world is the minimization of the negative consequences of human economic and other activities. Therefore, highly developed countries impose mandatory and voluntary requirements on the development of products and implement a series of measures. Necessary regulatory activities of the state in this direction include the definition of mandatory requirements, their proper implementation and the application of sanctions. All these processes are carried out through technical regulation. It is important to apply technical regulation in every sector of the economy. This importance plays a special role in the energy sector, which is closely linked to all sectors of the economy, and differs even more. In this regard, the role and importance of technical regulation in increasing the efficiency of the energy sector in the research work is highlighted.


Significance The Law has received much negative publicity internationally for its broad definition of national security, which implies wide latitude for authorities at all levels to intervene in economic, social and cultural activities in the name of national security. The Law's passage indicates growing conservatism that will have negative consequences for business and for economic reforms of the sort Western governments and businesses want. Impacts The Law is a new source of tension with the United States and China's neighbours. Public expression will be further restricted and there will be less room for independent actors. Draft legislation on foreign investment, internet security and foreign NGOs will reinforce the conservative agenda. Even companies that face no legal barriers may face indirect discrimination.


2003 ◽  
Vol 19 (5) ◽  
pp. 301-304
Author(s):  
Leslie Cooper ◽  
Catherine Glennon ◽  
Lori Laczko

Smoking is the most preventable cause of death in our society. Tobacco use is responsible for nearly one in five deaths in the United States and the cause of premature death of approximately 2 million individuals in developed countries. Smoking accounts for at least 30% of all cancer deaths and is a major cause of heart disease, cerebrovascular disease, chronic bronchitis, and emphysema. The North Carolina Triangle Oncology Nursing Society applied for a competitive grant through the national Oncology Nursing Society and Cancer Care, Inc., in partnership with the Wellness Community and Bristol-Myers Squibb. The grant could be used for any lung cancer issue or project. Because North Carolina is deep in the tobacco belt, it was decided to focus on the largest group of new smokers in the United States, children and teens, for the project. Over 80% of adult smokers surveyed in 1991 had begun smoking by the age of 18. The oncology nurses wanted to focus on prevention, not cessation. Therefore, grade school children were the population selected for this project. This age group is impressionable and able to understand the negative consequences of smoking. This article outlines the content of the educational intervention and evaluation of the program.


1991 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 215-231 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jerrold D. Green

This program is evaluated in order to analyze the ethical and practical issues likely to influence its success. Among those critical issues discussed are the U.S.'s definition of “democracy,” the relationship between culture and democracy, and the ability, or desirability, of the United States to export its own form of government as historical and cultural goals. Substantial attention is given to the ethical dimension of whether the United States is, or should be, concerned with democracy as a generic form of political organization or be more committed to the expansion of American influence irrespective of a country's political or ideological character. Noting that foreign aid is pragmatic rather than altruistic in origin, the essay questions the likely effectiveness of the Democratic Pluralism Initiative.


Author(s):  
Viktoriia Bondaruk

The US foreign policy serves as an example for other countries, as it is one of the most developed countries in the world. For a better understanding of the features of contemporary foreign policy, the preconditions for its formation are determined. The history of the United States of America has been analyzed, which has inevitably influenced the formation of its current foreign policy and geostrategy. The political system of the country is defined as one of the direct factors influencing the formation of foreign policy. It is revealed that the very political preconditions create the legal basis for the existence and development of foreign policy, and therefore their study is very important for a deeper understanding of the vectors, principles and means of implementing the modern foreign policy of any state, namely, the United States. The internal economic situation, structure and development of the country’s economy, as well as problems and challenges on the way to the development of the national economy that are directly relevant for defining the functions, priorities and directions of foreign policy are considered. After all, it is the economy that is one of the most important factors shaping the foreign economic strategy of the state, which is an important factor in the formation of foreign economic relations and politics in general. It is proved that the geopolitical situation is the main factor for the definition of foreign policy vectors of the state. The geographic and geopolitical location of the state, in this case, the United States, defines the directions and vectors of the foreign policy of the state. The article explores all the factors and preconditions for the formation of US foreign policy during the presidency of Bill Clinton and his predecessors.


2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 514-535
Author(s):  
YOUNG SOO KIM ◽  
JOONGBUM SHIN

AbstractThe US and Japan, despite their shared reputation as leading donors for international development, remarkably varied in their foreign aid policy for HIV/AIDS in the 1980s and 1990s. Unlike the US, who initiated and increased global AIDS funding dramatically, Japan was lukewarm in its contributions. I claim that the distinctive pattern depends on how the pandemic was domestically framed and understood. The policy commitment was more likely when the internationally shared idea (international norms) of threats requiring immediate international cooperation was congruent with the domestic perception of the epidemic. The research undertakes a comparative examination of the determinants of the distinctive domestic perceptions of the two cases, including the number of individuals infected with HIV, the attitude and role of the media, and the civil society organizations dealing with HIV/AIDS. They played significant roles as intervening variables that conditioned domestic diffusion or internalization of the international norms for foreign aid policy development. The US had a favorable domestic condition based upon the relatively large number of those infected with HIV, a media that adopted a constructive approach, and active civil society organizations associated with the disease. In contrast, in Japan the number of HIV cases was lower, the media had a distorted view of the epidemic, and civil society organizations were not strong enough to offer much support until the early 1990s.


2012 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 337-356
Author(s):  
Christian Leßmann ◽  
Gunther Markwardt

AbstractThis paper analyzes decentralization as an instrument of development policy. The positive experience of high developed countries with federal government structures has shifted the focus of international development organizations to decentralization. In particular, decentralization should promote economic prosperity and reduce corruption. This paper argues, however, that the particular institutional framework of developing countries should be taken into account. This study demonstrates that fiscal decentralization tends to harm the effectiveness of foreign aid, whereas forms of political decentralization are less problematic. Moreover, decentralization can increase corruption in less liberal countries. In light of these findings, national and international development agencies should carefully consider potential negative consequences from decentralization.


1959 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 456-482 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Wurfel

Writers on foreign aid policy today generally agree that technical and capital assistance from the United States government can contribute effectively to economic growth in underdeveloped areas. There is much less agreement among them, however, on the ability of the foreign aid program to contribute positively to democratic processes of political and social change. There is still less agreement on the proposal that the United States should, wherever necessary and possible, intentionally attempt to stimulate social change within the context of an aid program. Nevertheless, some general considerations not heretofore presented in juxtaposition, and a case history to illustrate them, tend to support this proposal.


1972 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 325-346
Author(s):  
Roland H. Ebel

One of the fundamental difficulties in the study of Latin American politics by North American scholars has been the attempt to apply the political experience of the United States (and, to a lesser extent, that of the developed countries of Europe and Asia) to that region. In attempting to interpret Latin America’s political patterns and understand her political difficulties, emphasis has been placed historically on such visible features as the instability of national governments, the lack of adequate party systems, the dysfunctional role of the military, inadequate constitutions, hierarchic social structures and a variety of deficiencies in the region’s political culture. In proceeding along these lines, analysts have been working from the implicit, although I believe unconscious, assumption that the Latin American nation-state constitutes a large, geographically dispersed polity. Until recently there has been very little effort to even study the political processes of the Latin American city, much less attempt to understand national politics in light of the region’s peculiar urban culture.


2020 ◽  
pp. 106591291989783 ◽  
Author(s):  
Masaru Kohno ◽  
Gabriella R. Montinola ◽  
Matthew S. Winters ◽  
Gento Kato

Previous research suggests that ideology, material interests, and moral values drive citizens’ preferences over foreign aid policy. Little attention has been paid to how perceptions of the international environment affect these preferences. We examine the extent to which citizens in a traditional donor country consider donor competition when deciding whether to impose aid sanctions on governments engaged in human rights violations. Employing an information experiment conducted among Japanese adults, we find that the prospect of another donor ready to act as a substitute aid-provider reduces support for the use of aid sanctions. This effect runs most strongly through a pathway privileging security concerns, and the effect is larger among respondents who have preexisting concerns about the other donor. These results highlight the way in which public desires for foreign aid to bring about material returns can hinder a government’s ability to use aid to promote good governance ends.


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