scholarly journals Assessing the freedom of expression of Syrian refugee media outlets

2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 50-66
Author(s):  
Maria Juliana Assaf
Keyword(s):  
Case Studies ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
Freedom Of Expression ◽  
Security Threats ◽  
Western Countries ◽  
Syrian Refugee

Syrian post-uprising media outlets arose during the peaceful phase of the Syrian uprising in early 2011 (Salazar-Ferro, CPJ, 2014). Fewer than 30 of these outlets, funded by Western countries, survived and gradually moved to Turkey, escaping censorship and deteriorating security in Syria. In Turkey, they still face challenges such as security threats and an uncertain legal status. This article focuses on the challenges that threaten refugee reporters' freedom of expression. Its aim is also to bring an understanding of the techniques refugee journalists use to mitigate these challenges, which can inform other reporters in similar conditions. This research was carried out utilising a case-studies framework and speaking to seven editors in chief of post-uprising media outlets in Istanbul. It concludes that Syrian post-uprising media face severe restrictions to their freedom of expression, but survive through a mixture of collaboration, creativity and resourcefulness.

‘Home, Sweet Home’: Managing Returning Foreign Terrorist Fighters in Germany, The United Kingdom and Australia

2018 ◽  
Vol 20 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 311-346 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kerstin Braun
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
Criminal Justice ◽  
Holistic Approach ◽  
Security Threats ◽  
Security Risks ◽  
Western Countries ◽  
The United Kingdom

Abstract Since 2011, the conflict in Syria and Iraq has seen unprecedented numbers of Westerners travelling to the region to support jihadist terror organisations, so-called Foreign Terrorist Fighters (‘FTFs’). However, since 2015, with Islamic State’s financial and territorial losses, the numbers of Western FTFs are dwindling and many are returning to their countries of origin. As a consequence, numerous countries are grappling with how to best manage potential security threats arising from returning FTFs. This article critically analyses legal and criminal justice strategies to address this phenomenon implemented in three Western countries from which a significant number of FTFs originate: Germany, the United Kingdom and Australia. It focuses on prosecution, prevention of re-entry and rehabilitation of returning FTFs. It suggests that a holistic approach focusing on punitive but also on de-radicalising and reintegrating measures is best suited to address the security risks FTFs pose long term.

Integrated assessment and mitigation of physical and digital security threats: Case studies on virtualization

2011 ◽  
Vol 16 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 142-149 ◽  
Author(s):  
André van Cleeff ◽  
Wolter Pieters ◽  
Roel Wieringa ◽  
Frits van Tiel
Keyword(s):  
Case Studies ◽  
Integrated Assessment ◽  
Security Threats

scholarly journals Self-regulation of journalism in Spain

2015 ◽  
pp. 29-35
Author(s):  
A. N. Rylova
Keyword(s):  
Freedom Of Expression ◽  
Time Lag ◽  
Self Regulation ◽  
Professional Community ◽  
The State ◽  
State Control ◽  
Western Countries ◽  
Long Time ◽  
Rules And Principles ◽  
History Of

Self-regulation of journalism resides in voluntary measures taken by the professional community of journalists to guarantee the observation of certain rules and principles in the process of providing information to public, maintain independence and credibility of media. The institution of self-regulation of Spanish journalism emerged later than in other Western countries due to the history of interaction between the State and media: for a long time Spanish media were under State control and freedom of expression was constantly defied. That is why first attempts to establish bodies for self-regulation of journalism in the post-Franco Spain evoked fears of a return to censorship. However, the time lag concerning media self- regulation allowed Spain to use other countries’ experience. Nowadays, the degree of self-regulation of journalism in Spain is similar to that of the Western countries. The institution of self-regulation operates successfully and facilitates Spanish media authority.

scholarly journals LEGAL INSTITUTION FOR DEMOCRATIC CIVIL CONTROL OVER ACTIVITY OF SECURITY AND DEFENSE SECTOR OF UKRAINE: STATE-OF-THE-ART OF NORMATIVE LEGAL REGULATION

2021 ◽  
pp. 39-44
Author(s):  
V.L. Zolka
Keyword(s):  
Legal Status ◽  
Freedom Of Expression ◽  
Legal Regulation ◽  
The State ◽  
Legal Institution ◽  
Military Organizations ◽  
Military Administration ◽  
The Status ◽  
Control Institution ◽  
Public Monitoring

The article is dedicated to study the status of legal regulation of legal institution “Democratic civil control over activity of security and defense sector of Ukraine” and to substantiate the theoretical recommendation as regards improvement of military and security legislation. It has been proved that uncontrollable military organizations and law enforcing bodies of the state bring potential danger both individuals and society’s humanistic values. They are dangerous because of unbalanced mechanism of the democratic civil control. Disruption of containment mechanism and counterbalance in the power separation system in the state, usurpation of power by one person or group of people can paralyze not only power itself but other institutions of society. Subjects of state segments for democratic civil control turn to be the attendant bodies of political will by one person, the certain cover-up and justification of unlawful violation. Under those conditions the civil monitoring of institutions in the security and defense sector of Ukraine becomes inefficient. Their subjects experience limitations: such as access to information of law-enforcement authorities and military formations; implementation of freedom of expression.   Most of substantial reactions are left unattended by state jurisdiction and military administration. Their legal status also remains imperfect and deprived of real impact gears on the objects under control. It has been proved that in order to ensure efficiency of openness and transparency in activity of Security and Defense Sector it is required to implement the complex of organizational and legal measures such as an active elucidative campaign for the purpose of bringing to essentiality, goal, form and tools of public control over SDS and to consolidate new philosophy where the civil control will take leading place. The certain declaratory of the most mechanisms of civil control institution have been deduced herein. The means to improve situation in this field are proposed to be developed by participation of interested subjects both public administration, members of public monitoring and subsidiary objects of new special law. By its developing the negative and positive experience of civil control has to be taken into consideration. The other way to secure the effective mechanism of democratic civil control over SDS is to specify statutory norms for SDS in the law of Ukraine.  

17. Human Rights I: Traditional Perspectives

2021 ◽  
pp. 449-468
Author(s):  
Ian Loveland
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
Freedom Of Expression ◽  
Traditional Approach ◽  
Common Law ◽  
Civil Liberties ◽  
Legislative Process ◽  
Personal Privacy ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
Human Rights Protection

In contrast to the constitutional systems adopted by most western democratic nations, the United Kingdom’s form of governance has traditionally not accepted the principle that certain ‘human rights’ should enjoy a normative legal status that placed them beyond the reach of laws made through the ordinary legislative process. Such ‘civil liberties’ or ‘human rights’ as we possess exist in law at the sufferance of parliamentary majorities. Human rights protection has nonetheless been an important part of the courts’ constitutional role, both in terms of the interpretation of legislation and the development of the common law. The organising principle in respect of civil liberties in Britain is that individuals may engage in any activity not prohibited by statute or common law. In addition, neither other individuals nor government officials may interfere with an individual’s legal entitlements unless they can identify a statutory or common law justification for so doing. This chapter discusses the traditional approach taken by Parliament and the courts to several key areas of what we would now regard as human rights law; the regulation of public protest, the protection of personal privacy, and to certain aspects of freedom of expression

19. International law

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christian Reus-Smit
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
International Law ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
Legal Order ◽  
Laws Of War ◽  
Real Effect ◽  
Western Countries ◽  
Theoretical Approaches ◽  
Neoliberal Institutionalism

This chapter examines debates surrounding the nature and efficacy of modern international law. It begins by discussing the reasons why international societies construct institutions, and why different sorts of institutions have emerged in different historical contexts. It then considers the nature and origins of the modern institution of international law, its relationship with the practice of multilateralism, and the recent cosmopolitanization of the global legal order. It also explores the laws of war and concludes with an overview of different theoretical approaches to international law such as realism, neoliberal institutionalism, and constructivism. Two case studies are presented: the first is about whether international law is an expression of Western dominance and the second is about individual criminal accountability in non-Western countries. There is also an Opposing Opinions box that asks whether international law has any real effect on the nature and conduct of international relations.

scholarly journals Ethnic Diversity in the Recruitment of Diplomats: Why MFAs Take the Issue Seriously

2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 43-65
Author(s):  
Christian Lequesne ◽  
Gabriel Castillo ◽  
Minda Holm ◽  
Walid Jumblatt Abdullah ◽  
Halvard Leira ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Affirmative Action ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
Ethnic Diversity ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Western Countries ◽  
The Third ◽  
First Case ◽  
The World

Summary Diversity and its management have become an issue in all organisations. Ministries of foreign affairs (MFAs) do not escape the issue. In the 2000s, states decided to consider more ethnic diversity in the recruitment of their diplomats. In some countries, this new goal requires affirmative action programs. This article is based on three case studies. The first case study analyses two Western countries — France and Norway — where MFAs have to reflect the diversity of immigration in their societies. The second case study analyses the case of Brazil, a country where the legacy of slavery still causes discrimination in the recruitment of diplomats. The third case study analyses ethnic diversity in the MFAs of India and Singapore, which recognise multiculturalism or multiracialism. The study draws five comparative conclusions to generalise on why MFAs in the world cannot escape the challenge of ethnic diversity in their recruitment policy.

Minority Mobilisation in Greece and Litigation in Strasbourg

2008 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-48 ◽  
Author(s):  
Konstantinos Tsitselikis
Keyword(s):  
Legal Status ◽  
Minority Groups ◽  
Freedom Of Expression ◽  
Minority Group ◽  
European Court ◽  
Complex Process ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Common ◽  
Political Character ◽  
Of Greece

AbstractWhy would minorities of Greece bring their case before the European Court of Human Rights? What do the minority groups or individuals belonging to a minority group envisage when they communicate their case to Strasbourg? What are the common patterns of minority mobilisation for rights claims before the Court of Strasbourg? Minority mobilisation and litigation in Strasbourg is related to the formation of the status regarding a minority group, the latter being the product of a complex process of political character, dependent on a continuous, overt or covert struggle for power. The axis of this relation is defined by claims of the minority and their recognition or non-recognition by the state. In other terms, this struggle can be seen as a balance between demand and enjoyment of rights. These claims of minorities aim at improving, correcting or implementing the legal status. Freedom of expression, religion or association constitute the main grounds for allegations of more than 45 cases brought before the Court of Strasbourg so far. It seems that the Greek law-making and policy-implementing mechanisms are reluctant to accommodate a broader conception about membership to the Greek nation/Greek state mainly due to the continuing ideological constraints. Although religious otherness is slowly being acknowledged and institutionalised, the recognition of national otherness is so far not tolerated.

Whose Words Hurt? Contextual Determinants of Offensive Speech

2021 ◽  
pp. 014616722110261
Author(s):  
Manuel Almagro ◽  
Ivar R. Hannikainen ◽  
Neftalí Villanueva
Keyword(s):  
Legal Status ◽  
Freedom Of Expression ◽  
Target Group ◽  
Prior Work ◽  
Linguistic Features ◽  
Contextual Features ◽  
Contextual Determinants ◽  
Offensive Speech

Tracing the boundaries of freedom of expression is a matter of wide societal and academic import—especially, as these boundaries encroach on the politics of inclusion. Yet, the elements that constitute offensive speech and determine its legal status remain poorly defined. In two studies, we examined how lay judges evaluate the offensiveness of apparently descriptive statements. Replicating prior work, we found that non-linguistic features (including speaker intent and outcomes on the audience) modulated the statements’ meaning. The speaker’s identity—and, in particular, their membership in the target group—independently influenced evaluations of offensive speech among conservatives and progressives alike. When asked to disclose their abstract principles, or jointly evaluate two contrastive cases, participants tended to deny the relevance of identity while primarily endorsing the intent principle. Taken together, our findings confirm that assessments of offensive speech are governed by contextual features, some of which are not introspectively deemed relevant.

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