Some of the Factors of Internal Security Threats from Western Countries

Author(s):  
Paweł Dzieciński
2018 ◽  
Vol 20 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 311-346 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kerstin Braun

Abstract Since 2011, the conflict in Syria and Iraq has seen unprecedented numbers of Westerners travelling to the region to support jihadist terror organisations, so-called Foreign Terrorist Fighters (‘FTFs’). However, since 2015, with Islamic State’s financial and territorial losses, the numbers of Western FTFs are dwindling and many are returning to their countries of origin. As a consequence, numerous countries are grappling with how to best manage potential security threats arising from returning FTFs. This article critically analyses legal and criminal justice strategies to address this phenomenon implemented in three Western countries from which a significant number of FTFs originate: Germany, the United Kingdom and Australia. It focuses on prosecution, prevention of re-entry and rehabilitation of returning FTFs. It suggests that a holistic approach focusing on punitive but also on de-radicalising and reintegrating measures is best suited to address the security risks FTFs pose long term.


2019 ◽  
Vol 50 (6) ◽  
pp. 475-492
Author(s):  
Summer Forester

Contrary to our understanding of when states act on women’s rights, Jordan adopted a policy on violence against women at the same time as it faced a number of external and internal security threats. In this article, I query the relationship between militarism and the gender policymaking process in Jordan to make sense of this puzzle. I specifically consider the ways in which a feminist conceptualization of militarism offers a more fruitful understanding of government action on violence against women in Jordan than studying this policy development through the lens of patriarchy, state institutions, and/or feminist activism alone. Indeed, evaluating the development of Jordan’s Family Protection Law through the lens of militarism and related security practices reveals the depth and breadth of these phenomena: the martial values and priorities of the Jordanian regime extend beyond the realm of traditional, ‘high politics’ security issues and impact civil, social, and even interpersonal relations – relations that are always already gendered – that are seemingly far removed from military concerns. I argue that the Jordanian government adopted its policy on violence against women because this enhanced the state’s image in the international arena and appeased domestic audiences by adhering to a gendered logic of protection that maintains the state as the ultimate protector of women. Overall, the article deepens our understanding of how militarism and the security climate influence the gender policymaking process, particularly in semi-authoritarian regimes.


1993 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 321-347 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander Wendt ◽  
Michael Barnett

The relationship between militarization and state formation in the West has been the subject of considerable scholarship,1 and there is thus some temptation to simply transfer concepts and arguments from that domain to the study of Third World militarization. Yet state formation dynamics in the two contexts were and are quite different, with important implications for the nature of national security threats. In the West threats tended to be external, rooted in anarchical competition between relatively equal states possessing domestic legitimacy, which meant that militarization could be understood primarily in terms of the political realist focus on security dilemmas and action-reaction dynamics. In contrast, Third World state formation has occurred in a largely dependent context in which relative external security contrasts with domestic insecurity.2 In this case the external environment, rather than being a source of threat, becomes a source of opportunities for elites lacking domestic legitimacy to gain support against internal security threats. In short, national security problems look very different in the First and Third Worlds because of different trajectories and contexts of state formation. Very different mechanisms may therefore account for militarization, suggesting the need for concepts and theories different than those that dominate security studies in the West.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (9) ◽  
pp. 155014771987565 ◽  
Author(s):  
Muhammad Asif Habib ◽  
C M Nadeem Faisal ◽  
Shahzad Sarwar ◽  
Muhammad Ahsan Latif ◽  
Farhan Aadil ◽  
...  

Data and information security is considered to be an important and challenging task for any field of life. But it becomes more critical especially when it deals with the medical field due to life and health hazards. The ratio of internal security threats to external threats always remains high. A huge number of efforts and technical expertise are required in the case of attacking the system from the external environment. But it requires fewer efforts if a system is attacked internally by the stakeholders of the system. This article presents an access control model that secures the medical data of patients against internal cybersecurity threats. It allows only the legitimate users, that is, authorized patients and doctors to communicate despite the fact of physical boundaries. The proposed model implements authorization in combination with permissions and roles instead of roles only for medical staff. It removes the discrepancies in the existing access control models. The proposed model ensures communication among doctors and patients in a secure, private, and efficient manner. The model is demonstrated by using mathematical modeling along with implementation examples. The proposed model outperformed in comparison with state-of-the-art access control models.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (02) ◽  
pp. 120-130 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yue Hou ◽  
Kai Quek

AbstractHow do individuals respond to internal security threats in non-democracies? Does violence make individuals more supportive of a strong state? Are the effects of violence on individual attitudes uniform, or are they heterogeneous with respect to the identity of the perpetrators? We field an online survey experiment on a national sample of Chinese citizens, in which respondents were randomly selected to view reports on violent acts in China. We show that exposure to violence makes individuals more supportive of a strong state: respondents randomly exposed to violence are more likely to approve police use of lethal force, and this effect is particularly strong among the less wealthy Han Chinese. We also find suggestive evidence that individuals exhibit intergroup biases in their reaction to violence.


2020 ◽  
Vol 139 (3) ◽  
pp. 204-222
Author(s):  
Agata Furgała

The article attempts to fi nd an answer as to what internal security is today and how it can be defi ned and placed in the conceptual framework of other types of security, such as external and national security. As the article underlines, the era of separating the concepts of internal and external security has become out of date, which is due to the fact that security is in a process of constant evolution, alongside with its defi nitional scope. Over the years, the process of the evolution of internal security in Poland has involved the change of both the very institutional system, understood as the administrative apparatus of internal security, and the phenomenon of internal security itself, which has been and still is being infl uenced by the changing nature of security threats. The article describes the process of the evolution of internal security in Poland, conditioned both by the socio-economic development and by the transformation of the political system. Attention is also drawn to the technological and information revolution in the context of its huge impact on subsequent changes in the so-called phenomenon of internal security globalisation, which creates a system of interdependencies in the area of security, including international security.


2019 ◽  
Vol 76 (4) ◽  
pp. 2643-2664 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven Walker-Roberts ◽  
Mohammad Hammoudeh ◽  
Omar Aldabbas ◽  
Mehmet Aydin ◽  
Ali Dehghantanha

Abstract Disruptive innovations of the last few decades, such as smart cities and Industry 4.0, were made possible by higher integration of physical and digital elements. In today’s pervasive cyber-physical systems, connecting more devices introduces new vulnerabilities and security threats. With increasing cybersecurity incidents, cybersecurity professionals are becoming incapable of addressing what has become the greatest threat climate than ever before. This research investigates the spectrum of risk of a cybersecurity incident taking place in the cyber-physical-enabled world using the VERIS Community Database. The findings were that the majority of known actors were from the US and Russia, most victims were from western states and geographic origin tended to reflect global affairs. The most commonly targeted asset was information, with the majority of attack modes relying on privilege abuse. The key feature observed was extensive internal security breaches, most often a result of human error. This tends to show that access in any form appears to be the source of vulnerability rather than incident specifics due to a fundamental trade-off between usability and security in the design of computer systems. This provides fundamental evidence of the need for a major reevaluation of the founding principles in cybersecurity.


2018 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 917-941
Author(s):  
ATREYEE SEN

AbstractThis article explores the politics of surveillance, suppression, and resistance within a women's correctional facility in 1970s Calcutta, a city in eastern India. I highlight the excessively violent treatment of women political prisoners, who were captured and tortured for their active participation in a Maoist guerrilla (Naxal) movement. I argue that the state officials who formed the lowest rung of the government's machinery to supress the movement—the police, prison guards, and wardens—partially usurped these carceral worlds during conditions of social unrest to create small regimes of de facto sovereignty over prison publics. During that critical period in the history of political uprising in the region, the central government coercively implemented a series of ‘constitutional actions’ in the name of internal security threats and withdrew civil liberties from Indian citizens. Political opponents were captured and imprisoned, and prisons became a space for licensed excess. I show how women political prisoners cooperated and conspired with women convicts (the latter having nurtured their own coping skills and structures to deal with persecution and negligence while in the detention system) to develop multiple forms of resistance to the extra-legal use of authority in prison, especially in the context of a volatile socio-political environment in the city.


2006 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 28-56 ◽  
Author(s):  
Damien Cheong

The Internal Security Act (ISA) of Singapore has been transformed from a security law into an effective political instrument of the Singapore government. Although the government's use of the ISA for political purposes elicited negative reactions from the public, it was not prepared to abolish, or make amendments to the Act. In the wake of September 11 and the international campaign against terrorism, the opportunity to (re)legitimize the government's use of the ISA emerged. This paper argues that despite the ISA's seeming importance in the fight against terrorism, the absence of explicit definitions of national security threats, either in the Act itself, or in accompanying legislation, renders the ISA susceptible to political misuse.


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