U. Kalpagam. Labour and Gender: Survival in Urban India. New Delhi: Sage Publications. 1994.300 pp.Index. Hardbound. Indian Rs 285.00.

1994 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-95
Author(s):  
Hina Nazli

There is increasing realisation that the development of a society depends crucially on the development of its human capital. It is the quality, potential, and efficiency of each person in the society that determines the pace of development. The exploitation of the inherent potential of the manpower to its fullest is a sine qua non of the successful exploitation of all the other resources. It is only of late that the profession has started focusing on the issues of gender. The book under review provides a deep insight into these issues in the context of labour and survival amongst urban workers in an Indian state. Its main theme is labour and gender. However, because at subsistence levels of living the objective is not to maximise utility but to maximise the chances of survival, the issues take on a third dimension. In traditional India, like other male-dominated, chauvinistic societies, gender roles were strictly defined. Females were assigned the responsibility of housework, whereas the males fulfilled the financial needs of the family. Lately, the traditional role of women in Indian society is changing. Increasing numbers of women are working in the formal and informal sectors as wage-earners. This book focuses on the problems faced by poor working women in the urban informal sector. Gender, as an analytical category of work, and survival, which has been ignored in most social research, provide interesting dimensions to the urban labour problem. In this regard, the author examines the role of planning and its effect on women workers in urban India, and studies the interaction between the state, the market, and the household. She suggests that the state should intervene in regulating the market forces to assure the survival of the very poor.

Author(s):  
Joanne Boucher

Abstract This article examines the role of women in Hobbes's economic thought. First, I frame Hobbes's economic thought in relation to his philosophical materialism so as to underscore the extent to which Hobbes's materialism entails the insight that human beings are, by definition, productive, economic creatures. I argue that his description of the economy, even without explicit acknowledgment, necessarily positions women as crucial economic actors. I then consider the implications of this in relation to the feminist possibilities of Hobbes's gender politics. I conclude that when deliberating on this question, we face the same conundrum that is evident in all literature considering Hobbes and gender. His radical comments about women in the state of nature are undermined by his seeming indifference to the state of women in commonwealths once they are founded.


Author(s):  
Iver B. Neumann

The diplomat is formed in certain socially specific ways, and is defined by the role they play within certain contexts in the field of international relations. Since it is human beings, and not organizations, who practice diplomacy, the diplomats’ social traits are relevant to their work. Historically, diplomats can be defined in terms of two key social traits (class and gender) and how their roles depend on two contexts (bureaucrat/information gatherer and private/public). Before the rise of the state in Europe, envoys were usually monks. With the rise of the state, the aristocracy took over the diplomatic missions. Nonaristocrats were later allowed to assume the role of diplomats, but they needed to be trained, both as gentlemen and as diplomats. From the eighteenth century onwards, wives usually accompanied diplomats stationed abroad, though by the end of the nineteenth century, a few women came to work as typists and carry out menial chores for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA). As women became legal persons through performing such labor, they later became qualified to legally serve as diplomats. Meanwhile, in terms of context, the key context change for a diplomat is from “at home” (as in “my home country”) to “abroad.” Historically, work at home is the descendant of bureaucratic service at the MFA, and work abroad of the diplomatic service.


2021 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 29
Author(s):  
Indrasari Tjandraningsih

<p class="p1">The non-strategic role and position of women workers in trade union organization, even in the women-dominated sector, is hardly changed even though the number of women members of trade unions is increasing. Various programs have been carried out to increase the strategic role of women in trade union organizations but so far have not shown significant results. Based on interviews with officers of gender equality programs for trade unions, union leaders and women and men members and literature studies this paper offers an idea of the need for a non-exclusive approach and actively and proportionally involving men in awareness-raising and gender equality programs for trade unions. This idea is based on the fact that in trade unions gender-related program is always left to or only involves women. The strategy in the gender equality awareness and improvement program that only involves women causes the program’s effectiveness to be low because half of the causes of the problem is not involved.</p>


Women Rising ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 267-282
Author(s):  
Soumia Bardhan ◽  
Karen A. Foss

Through an unparalleled explosion of street art and graffiti campaigns during and after the January 25, 2011, revolution, many public spaces in Cairo, Egypt, became symbols of people’s revolt against the state. These spaces resemble open-air galleries showcasing street art on a wide range of social issues. These graffiti encourage women to resist societal pressures and daily humiliation, reclaim public spaces, and confront existing power and gender dynamics. These graffiti show Egyptian women performing agency as they create their own depiction of the role of women in post-Mubarak Cairo. In this essay, Soumia Bardhan and Karen A. Foss perform a rhetorical analysis of the female-centered graffiti displayed in Cairo’s public spaces in post-Mubarak Egypt. They analyze street art and graffiti by prominent graffiti artists, significant graffiti campaigns, and their own photographs of graffiti taken at the sites.


2021 ◽  
Vol 71 (S1) ◽  
pp. 5-11

Abstract The recent pandemic has raised fundamental questions about the traditional role of government. That role has stressed the pursuit of national interests and identified the tools that governments should use in the pursuit of those interests. While over the past century the desirable role of the state was amended to include new objectives (such as equity and stabilization) the focus had remained national interests. This paper argues that this national focus has become increasingly anachronistic and damaging.


Religions ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 36
Author(s):  
Gerard Coll-Planas ◽  
Gloria García-Romeral ◽  
Belén Masi

This article reflects on the biases in sexual and gender diversity policies in relation to the axis of cultural and religious diversity in Catalonia (Spain), where these policies have experienced an enormous boost since 2014. The paper aims to analyse the articulation between the experiences of queer migrants from Muslim backgrounds living in Catalonia and the LGBT and intercultural policies. Based on interviews both with queer migrants and people involved in developing public policies, we analyse how these two axes intersect. The approach of policies is mainly monofocal and assimilationist, failing to acknowledge the hybridity of queer migrant experiences. However, we also find examples of policy programmes that adopt an intersectional perspective and embrace hybridity by advancing more inclusive LGBT equality policies. The conclusions highlight two axes of tensions that have emerged in the analysis of the policies: the construction of the figure of the queer person from a Muslim background and the role of the state regarding sexual and gender diversity.


Indian society is quite a complex one, because of its construction of hierarchal social order grounded on the premise of sophistication, stratum and sex. Historically, women are placed at the margins that prevented them from having opportunities and denied them the flexibility to enter the general public sphere. This paper entitled “Tussle for Existence: An Inquisitive Exploration on the Role of Women in Sangati (Events)” which is a close to the accurate attempt to discern the penetrating expertise of lower-class women who passed through many unconditional subjugations from varied norms of the society, as well as Dalit women’s power of resilience to subdue these existing curtailments in the patriarchal social structure. Through the work, Sangati, Bama explores the lives of women, wherever caste and gender-based rights and rituals executed women’s life as sacrificial fire. In her work Sangati, Bama, one among the predominant Dalit women writers, constitutes the themes of Dalit feminism and the celebrations of self-assurance within the community of subaltern women.


2020 ◽  
pp. 115-182
Author(s):  
Uğur Ümit Üngör

How is paramilitary violence organized? Many studies of violent conflicts have demonstrated the central role of paramilitaries in the perpetration of violence against civilians. The organization of the violence is a crucial analytical category to be examined. Mass violence is often carried out according to clear divisions of labor: between the civil and military wings of the state, but also crucially between military and paramilitary groups. This chapter examines how states spawn and deploy paramilitary units. It does so by approaching paramilitarism from the perspective of the parastate: the complex interaction between security agencies, political parties, and communities that constitute the sociological infrastructure behind paramilitarism. The chapter analyzes how otherwise neutral and technocratic institutions, organizations, and agencies have collaborated in creating or condoning paramilitary forces. The chapter also discusses the violence that paramilitaries have committed, through a comparison of three massacres: the Bahia Portete massacre in Colombia (2004), the Cizre massacre in Turkey (1992), and the Trnovo massacre in Bosnia and Herzegovina (1995). The chapter closes with a discussion of a key element of paramilitarism: plausible deniability.


2015 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 492-512 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cemal Burak Tansel

AbstractThis article contributes to current debates in materialist geopolitics and contemporary IR theorising by restating the centrality of social forces for conceptualising geopolitics. It does so by offering a detailed conceptual reading of the corpus of the ‘Eastern Question’, which is composed of a series of political analyses written by Marx and Engels in the period of 1853–6. This archive presents unique analytical and conceptual insights beyond the immediate temporal scope of the issue. I unpack this argument in three movements. The article (i) offers an overview of the debates on materialist geopolitics; (ii) contextualises the historical setting of the ‘Eastern Question’ and critically evaluates the great powers’ commitment to the Europeanstatus quo; and (iii) constructs an original engagement with a largely overlooked corpus to reveal the ways in which Marx and Engels demonstrated the interwoven relationship between domestic class interests, the state, and the international system. I maintain that revisiting the ‘Eastern Question’ corpus (i) bolsters the existing materialist frameworks by underscoring the role of class as an analytical category; (ii) challenges an important historical pillar of the balance of power argument; and (iii) empirically strengthens the burgeoning scholarship in international historical sociology.


Author(s):  
Vikas V. Ade

The present study accepted out with an investigative strategy of social research on farmer’s suicide trend in Maharashtra state, Over 15,000 farmers have committed suicide in Maharashtra between 2013 and 2018. In Vidarbha and Marathwada from January 2001 to July 2018, a total of 29602farmers from 18 districts of died by suicide. About 83.74% of the state's total farmer suicides were in the two regions of Vidarbha and Marathwada. The highest farmer suicide in Amravati division is 57.8%, than Nagpur division 15.6%, Aurangabad division 13.6%, Nasik division 8.3%, Pune division 4.5% and lowest farmer suicide 0.8% in Konkan division. A farming disaster has rainfall a spate of suicides in Maharashtra. The suicide mortality rate for farmers in the state has increased from 2001 to 2018. The rain dependent cotton growing farmers of Maharashtra are faced with declining profitability because of dumping in the global market by the US, low import tariffs, failure of the Monopoly Cotton Procurement Scheme and withdrawal of the state are resulting in declining public investment in agriculture, poor government agriculture extension services and the diminishing role of formal credit institutions. The farmer is faced with yield, price, credit, income and weather uncertainties. The way out is to merge bold public policy initiatives with civil society engagement.


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