scholarly journals Securitisation of Migration at the EU level after Paris’ Attacks: The Response of the European Public

Author(s):  
Dionysios Stivas

By applying the Copenhagen School’s securitisation theory, this paper assesses the extent to which immigration has been securitised at the EU level after the 2015 Paris attacks. It is doing so by not only examining the presence of the securitisation actors and the security speech acts, as is commonly done in the current securitisation literature, but also by analysing from a legal point of view, two emergency measures implemented by the EU to deal with the migration crisis. Most importantly, this paper investigates the response of the European public to the securitisation moves and highlights that this aspect of the Copenhagen School’s analytical framework has been not only undertheorised but also understudied.

Author(s):  
Б.Г. Вульфович

Задачей данной статьи является рассмотрение лингвопрагматических особенностей комментариев пользователей социальной сети «Твиттер» на выход Великобритании из ЕС. Анализ данных комментариев с лингвопрагматической точки зрения представляет интерес, так как показывает наиболее актуальную картину отношения пользователей социальных сетей к произошедшему событию. Приоритетными методами анализа лингвопрагматического потенциала Интернет-комментариев для нас являются: описательный метод, метод прагматического анализа, т.е. рассмотрение языкового материала в его непосредственном контексте в функциональном аспекте, метод частичной выборки, метод контекстологического описания. Контекстуальный метод был использован с целью установления особенностей комментариев в среде социальной сети «Твиттер»; описательный метод - для выявления непосредственного отношения пользователей социальных сетей к выходу Великобритании из ЕС; частичной выборки - для отбора наиболее эффективных и целостных комментариев с позиции прагматики и их реализации в данном контексте. Проведённое исследование позволило установить, что большинство людей удовлетворено результатами выхода Великобритании из ЕС и положительно отзывается об этом событии. Об этом свидетельствует как большое количество экспрессивов, использованных в интернет-комментариях в отношении данного события, так и активное употребление в них оценочной лексики. Результаты проведённого исследования могут быть применены в теоретических работах по описанию характеристик речевых актов, в курсе теоретической грамматики, стилистики, прагмалингвистики. The purpose of this article is to review the linguo-pragmatic features of Brexit represented in the comments in Twitter. Their analysis from a linguistic-pragmatic point of view may be of interest, since it shows the most relevant picture of the relationship of social network users for the event. The priority methods for analyzing the linguo-pragmatic potential of Internet comments for us are: a descriptive method, a pragmatic analysis method, i.e. consideration of linguistic material in its immediate context in the functional aspect, partial sampling method, contextual description method. The contextual method was used to establish the characteristics of comments on the Twitter social network; descriptive method was used to identify the direct relationship of social network users to the UK exit from the EU; partial sampling was used to select the most effective and holistic comments from the position of pragmatics and their implementation in this context. The study found that most people are satisfied with the results of the UK exit from the EU and respond positively to this event. The results of the study can be applied in theoretical works on the description of the characteristics of speech acts, in the course of theoretical grammar, stylistics, pragmalinguistics.


Author(s):  
Spyros Blavoukos

Based on negative publicity related to the financial turmoil and the migration crisis one could perhaps classify Greece as a problematic EU partner. This contribution argues that this static approach does not fully describe the complexity of EU-Greece relations. Looking at the historical evolution of this relationship from a more macroscopic point of view it identifies periods of convergence and divergence. It reinstates the limits of the European adjustment pressures in inducing modernization and accounts for the crises episodes by reference to some idiosyncratic features of the domestic sociopolitical contestation. The contribution discusses the valuable lessons learned by the handling of the crises both for Greece and the EU. It stresses that the Greek public disenchantment with the EU that is inexorably linked with the extreme societal burden of the adjustment process is not an isolated phenomenon. Like in many other EU countries, much of the criticism is directed toward the current scope and direction of European integration rather than on the merits and value of the integration venture per se. What is urgently required for the whole European demos is a new “grand bargain” that will provide the necessary vision for the years to come. This will condition the future evolution of the EU-Greece relationship.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 95
Author(s):  
Gerret Von-Nordheim ◽  
Tina Bettels-Schwabbauer ◽  
Philip Di-Salvo ◽  
Paula Kennedy ◽  
Kornélia-R. Kiss ◽  
...  

The issue of the Europeanisation of national public spheres is a question as to how a discursive media space can be created within the EU. There are forces of convergence at work, such as networking within the borderless digital space. At the same time, there are counterforces: increasing nationalism and populists who identify ‘Brussels’ as a target for their criticism of elites. The vision of a European public sphere appears to share the same fate as the European project as such; as a result of years of crisis, optimism has given way to disillusion. Using coverage of the 2019 EU elections in seven European countries (a total of 57,943 articles from Germany, Hungary, Italy, Poland, Portugal, the Czech Republic, and the UK), we draw a picture of a heterogeneous EU public. What is particularly clear is that the phenomena of horizontal and vertical Europeanisation require more nuanced interpretations. While a high degree of horizontal Europeanisation indicates convergent and pro-European media coverage (as in the cases of Germany and Portugal), a high degree of vertical Europeanisation may indicate polarised publics or an unfree media landscape (as in the UK and Hungary). From a methodological point of view, the study shows that a combination of computational content analysis and international cooperation between scientists can advance research into the European public.


Author(s):  
Valerio Alfonso Bruno ◽  
Giacomo Finzi

Since the Eurozone crisis, scholars framed dierent interpretations about the power role of Germany in Europe, pointing at the possible return of the “German question”. Recently, with the “Brexit”, the populist tensions within the EU and the election of Trump as US president, Germany on the contrary, was regarded as the last bastion of the liberal order by Western media. Starting from the premise that with the global economic crisis Germany acquired a supremacy position in Europe “by default”, we proceed by confuting the idea of Germany as a coercive hegemon, without falling into idealistic interpretations. To do so, we define an analytical framework distinguishing leadership and hegemony and insisting on the importance of the context of permanent multi-level crisis in Europe. The argument we advance is that between 2012 and 2015 Germany played a positive power role in Europe, exhibiting appreciable leadership skills, vast regional influence and, first of all, a style of power closer to a benign multilateral leadership than to a coercive unilateral hegemony. The empirical research is based on three case studies from dierent policy areas, the Banking Union (2012-2013), the European migration crisis (2014-2015) and the Russia-Ukraine conflict (2014-2015).


Author(s):  
N. Bolshova

The paper reviews the EU response to the recent «refugee crisis» through the theoretical lens of restrictive and preventive approaches and the concept of the «external dimension» in EU migration policy. The author examines the EU’s response as an indicator of the effectiveness of current EU migration policy under crisis situations caused by massive flows of migrants. According to the author, the European institutions have not been able to offer quick and effective «European solution». EU is late with the development, implementation of the policy measures as well as with bringing of them to the European public in an appropriate way, allowing to prevent social protests against asylum seekers. As a result the refugee crisis has caused «the crisis of solidarity» in the EU. There is a gap to state between the European values and real readiness of the EU to adhere to them. Instead the strategy of burden sharing between member-states EU implements the strategy of burden shifting on Turkey. The progress made by the EU in the field of communitarisation of migration policy could prevent neither the escalation of migration crisis, nor its negative consequences regarding the interim collapse of Schengen and Dublin systems. In this situation, the return to the intergovernmental approach in regulation of certain sensitive domains of EU migration policy is possible. The nature of the EU response confirms that the «external dimension» of migration policy has been implemented mostly through a restrictive approach, while a preventive approach has been marginalizing.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 103-122
Author(s):  
Ewa Kaczan-Winiarska

The Austrian government is extremely sceptical about the accession negotiations which are conducted by the European Commission on behalf of the European Union with Turkey and calls for the negotiation process to end. Serious reservations of Vienna have been raised by the current political situation in Turkey under the rule of President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, as well as by the standards of democracy in Turkey, which differ greatly from European standards. Serious deficiencies in rule of law, freedom of speech and independence of the judiciary, confirmed in the latest European Commission report on Turkey, do not justify, from Vienna’s point of view, the continuation of talks with Ankara on EU membership. In fact, Austria’s scepticism about the European perspective for Turkey has a longer tradition. This was marked previously in 2005 when the accession negotiations began. Until now, Austria’s position has not had enough clout within the European arena. Pragmatic cooperation with Turkey as a strategic partner of the EU, both in the context of the migration crisis and security policy, proved to be a key factor. The question is whether Austria, which took over the EU presidency from 1.7.2018, will be able to more strongly accentuate its reservations about Turkey and even build an alliance of Member States strong enough to block Turkey’s accession process.


Author(s):  
Guido Raimondi

This article comments on four important judgments given by the European Court of Human Rights in 2016. Al-Dulimi v. Switzerland addresses the issue of how, in the context of sanctions regimes created by the UN Security Council, European states should reconcile their obligations under the UN Charter with their obligations under the European Convention on Human Rights to respect the fundamentals of European public order. Baka v. Hungary concerns the separation of powers and judicial independence, in particular the need for procedural safeguards to protect judges against unjustified removal from office and to protect their legitimate exercise of freedom of expression. Magyar Helsinki Bizottság v. Hungary is a judgment on the interpretation of the Convention, featuring a review of the “living instrument” approach. Avotiņš v. Latvia addresses the principle of mutual trust within the EU legal order and the right to a fair trial under Article 6 of the Convention.


Land ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 305
Author(s):  
Juan Yan ◽  
Marietta Haffner ◽  
Marja Elsinga

Inclusionary housing (IH) is a regulatory instrument adopted by local governments in many countries to produce affordable housing by capturing resources created through the marketplace. In order to assess whether it is efficient, scholarly attention has been widely focused on its evaluation. However, there is a lack of studies evaluating IH from a governance perspective. Since IH is about involving private actors in affordable housing production, the governance point of view of cooperating governmental and non-governmental actors governing society to achieve societal goals is highly relevant. The two most important elements of governance—actors and interrelationships among these actors—are taken to build an analytical framework to explore and evaluate the governance of IH. Based on a research approach that combines a literature review and a case study of China, this paper concludes that the ineffective governance of Chinese IH is based on three challenges: (1) The distribution of costs and benefits across actors is unequal since private developers bear the cost, but do not enjoy the increments of land value; (2) there is no sufficient compensation for developers to offset the cost; and (3) there is no room for negotiations for flexibility in a declining market. Given that IH is favored in many Chinese cities, this paper offers the policy implications: local governments should bear more costs of IH, rethink their relations with developers, provide flexible compliance options for developers, and perform differently in a flourishing housing market and a declining housing market.


2021 ◽  
pp. 203228442199605
Author(s):  
Rebecca Niblock

This article will examine the provisions of Part III, Title VI of the Trade and Cooperation Agreement (TCA) on Eurojust. While the agreement in the TCA with regard to Eurojust allows cooperation to continue, the new arrangements amount to a significant change. The article also looks at cooperation between the UK and other EU agencies, specifically the European Anti-Fraud Office and the European Public Prosecutor’s Office, concluding that the practical impact of the UK’s departure from the EU is unlikely to be significant.


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