scholarly journals Iraq's foreign policy and the regional context, the input of instability and mechanisms of normalization

2019 ◽  
pp. 97-112
Author(s):  
أ.م.د.اسامة مرتضى باقر ◽  
أ.م.د.اسامة مرتضى باقر

Iraq has suffered since 1991 from international sanctions imposed on it by the dictatorial regime that existed at the time, invading Kuwait, which led to the decline of the status of Iraq and the isolation of international and regional (Arab) and clear Iraq as a strange entity living within its regional environment, after April 2003 did not change much In fact, there were no signs of détente before the Arab League summit in Baghdad in 2011, and the signs of a break in the stalemate in inter-relations over the past years have become evident. Disruption and refraction was not high (Islamic Republic of Iran, Turkey, Syrian Arab Republic, Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait). Each side is governed by perceptions about Iraq, especially after 2003, and the political and economic developments taking place.  

1951 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 619-620

On May 14, 1951 meetings were held of the Council and Political Committee of the Arab League in Damascus. Press reports indicated that the meeting of the Political Committee concerned the question of whether or not the Arab states should put into effect a real military alliance. On the same day the Foreign Affairs Committee of the Egyptian Chamber of Deputies had discussed the ratification of the Arab collective security pact. Egypt had been the originator of the pact which although initialled by six of the seven Arab nations had only been ratified by Saudi-Arabia. The press deduced from these reports that Syria wanted to know where it stood in case the Israeli-Syrian conflict became more serious. Iraq had already offered any support Syria asked for and sent some military detachments and an anti-aircraft unit through Syrian territory to the Israeli border. The Acting Prime Minister and Foreign Minister of Israel (Sharett), however, in an address to the Knesset Parliament in Jerusalem, warned the Political Committee that Israel was firmly resolved to defend every inch of her territory against encroachment or domination by Syria.


2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (5) ◽  
pp. 105
Author(s):  
Reza Abedi Gonabad ◽  
Ebrahim Fayaz ◽  
Ahmad Naderi

With the victory of the Islamic Revolution, some shift in paradigm or the shift of discourse is observed in Iran. Islamic Republic System of Iran that was replaced instead of Pahlavi Regime took different discourse, behavior and function practically in addition to domestic policy at the level of foreign policy at the level of the Middle East or West of Asia and North of Africa and this approach was definitely different from the past. The discourse had a central indication of jurisprudential political Islam as the social and political protest against national Iranian radical otherness, western quasi-modernism, secularism and militarism of Pahlavism Discourse, which was created by the friction and dialectic between dominant discourses of similarity to west and discourses different from the west. In this study, 4 components and indices of anti-arrogance Islamism, monist Shiism (establishment of the Islamic Ummah), independence and anti-order orientation based on supporting Axis of Resistance against Axis of Compromise are explained as discourse components of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the Middle East. The data analysis method in this study is mainly based on qualitative methods. Moreover, this study has used data description and analysis using documentary references and methods and through referring to the library and internet.


2009 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 225-246 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arang Keshavarzian

The prevailing perception within the academy, policy circles, and the media inside and outside Iran has been that the members of bazaars are a unified social class engaged in a symbiotic relationship with the political elite of the Islamic republic and the conservative faction in particular. This approach is largely built on the perspective that there is a historic predilection for bāzārīs and clerics to cooperate (“mosque–bazaar alliance”), and thus ideological compatibility and familial ties between the clergy and bāzārīs have continued and developed into an alliance under the current regime headed by segments of the clergy. For instance, one of the leading experts on 20th-century Iran, Nikki Keddie, comments that, despite Mohammad Khatami's reformist agenda, “the ruling elite, who represent an alliance between the commercial bazaar bourgeoisie and conservative clerics, resist giving up their economic privileges as they do their political ones.”


Hawwa ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 16-40 ◽  
Author(s):  
Saeid Golkar

Abstract The purpose of this article is to analyze the evolution of the Women’s Basij Organization and its role in maintaining social order in Iran. This paper examines how and why the Islamic republic of Iran (IRI) uses female Basij members as agents of social control. During the past three decades, the IRI has recruited and indoctrinated a group of Iranian women through the Women’s Basij Organization, and has used these women to guard Islamic values and manners in Iranian society. In this way, female Basijis have been crucial to the Islamic Republic’s strategy to penetrate Iranian families and institutionalize social and political order in post-revolutionary Iran.


2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 80-97
Author(s):  
Pegah Moridsadat ◽  
Abdol Reza Roknoddin Eftekhari ◽  
Mahdi Pour Taheri ◽  
Hossein Shabanali Fami

2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (5) ◽  
pp. 230
Author(s):  
Akbar Ghafoori

Given that the geography of modern times was one of the most important factors affecting the relations between Iran and Iraq, in this article we have tried to examine the influence of Iraq's new political geography variable factors on the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. For this purpose, regardless of the security implications of Iraq's geopolitical constant factors, with placing three variable factors in the political geography means population, natural resources and socio-political institutions in the form of five security variables for Lee Norji. Martin, meaning the political legitimacy, civil rights and ethnic and minorities, military strength, the strength of economic management and natural resources, fifteen areas will be formed (in the annexes, these fifteen areas are in the table). The question that arises here is that what is the impact of Iraq's new political geography on the national security of Iran? The hypothesis that we are looking to review it is that changes in some areas of geopolitical of Iraq, after the United States invaded Iraq, made threats to the national security of Iran. The main objective of this paper is to study Iranian security changes in the first ten areas and to present solutions. Since the Iraq has not achieved stability yet, next five areas need further research and in this article do not occur<strong>.</strong>


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