REGIME LOYALTY AND BĀZĀRĪ REPRESENTATION UNDER THE ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF IRAN: DILEMMAS OF THE SOCIETY OF ISLAMIC COALITION

2009 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 225-246 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arang Keshavarzian
Keyword(s):  
Social Class ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Symbiotic Relationship ◽  
Islamic Republic ◽  
Ruling Elite ◽  
Current Regime ◽  
Islamic Republic Of Iran ◽  
The Media

The prevailing perception within the academy, policy circles, and the media inside and outside Iran has been that the members of bazaars are a unified social class engaged in a symbiotic relationship with the political elite of the Islamic republic and the conservative faction in particular. This approach is largely built on the perspective that there is a historic predilection for bāzārīs and clerics to cooperate (“mosque–bazaar alliance”), and thus ideological compatibility and familial ties between the clergy and bāzārīs have continued and developed into an alliance under the current regime headed by segments of the clergy. For instance, one of the leading experts on 20th-century Iran, Nikki Keddie, comments that, despite Mohammad Khatami's reformist agenda, “the ruling elite, who represent an alliance between the commercial bazaar bourgeoisie and conservative clerics, resist giving up their economic privileges as they do their political ones.”

scholarly journals Impact of Shia-Sunni Annoyances on the Contemporary Geopolitics in the Middle East: A Critical Appraisal

2016 ◽  
Vol I (I) ◽  
pp. 314-323
Author(s):  
Inayat Kalim ◽  
Muhammad Mubeen ◽  
Sohail Ahmad
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Critical Appraisal ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Primary Concern ◽  
Islamic Republic ◽  
Sectarian Violence ◽  
The World ◽  
Islamic Republic Of Iran ◽  
Sectarian Conflict

The modern-day Shiite-Sunni split between the Sunnite Kingdom of SaudiArabia and Shia theocracy Islamic Republic of Iran is predominantly portrayed as a sectarian conflict. Instead, their rivalry constituted geopolitical, economic, military, and religious supremacy and legitimacy in the region of the Middle East. Riyadh and Tehran are convoluted in a complex rivalry over a volatile region where both want their dominance and become a Muslim world leader. Religious dissimilarities are of secondary worth for the political elite of both the states, despite the doctrinal variance of Wahhabism and Shiism in their socio-religious setup; the competition of geostrategic influence in the Middle East makes the primary concern instead. Both countries have directly and indirectly supported sectarian violence and militancy in the region, which has caused immense harm to Muslim unity. Muslims are embroiled in several problems and conflicts throughout the world in the name of religious sectarianism, which has weakened their position at the international level.

scholarly journals The Use of Charity as a Means of Political Legitimation in Umayyad al-Andalus

2017 ◽  
Vol 60 (3) ◽  
pp. 233-262
Author(s):  
Ana María Carballeira Debasa
Keyword(s):  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Ruling Elite ◽  
Political Legitimation

The principal aim of this study is to examine the use of charity as a factor of political legitimation by the ruling elite of al-Andalus in the Umayyad period. Accordingly, it explores the degree to which charity was an instrument in the hands of the authorities, and the manner in which this strategy was decisive in the process of consolidating power. In a broader sense, this analysis enables us to deepen our knowledge of the political elite in al-Andalus and to elucidate how charitable attitudes reflected a particular conception of power.

Transmitting Ideology

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pradeep K. Chhibber ◽  
Rahul Verma
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
English Language ◽  
Active Role ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Views ◽  
The Social ◽  
Religious Associations ◽  
The Media ◽  
Special Provision

Ideology is transmitted to citizens through multiple pathways, each of which provide heuristic cues to ordinary voters. Citizens form their political views through the efforts of political parties and the political elite; their socialization, especially the kind of education they receive; the media; and through their activities in the social organization including religious associations. In India, those who are more religiously active, get their news from local and vernacular media, and do not speak English language are less likely to support either an active role for the state in transforming social norms or making special provision for some groups. Indians who are members of civil society, consume English-language media, and speak English are more likely to favor statism and recognition.

scholarly journals Iraq's foreign policy and the regional context, the input of instability and mechanisms of normalization

2019 ◽  
pp. 97-112
Author(s):  
أ.م.د.اسامة مرتضى باقر ◽  
أ.م.د.اسامة مرتضى باقر
Keyword(s):  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
The Political ◽  
Islamic Republic ◽  
Regional Environment ◽  
The Past ◽  
Syrian Arab Republic ◽  
The Status ◽  
Islamic Republic Of Iran ◽  
Arab League ◽  
Economic Developments

Iraq has suffered since 1991 from international sanctions imposed on it by the dictatorial regime that existed at the time, invading Kuwait, which led to the decline of the status of Iraq and the isolation of international and regional (Arab) and clear Iraq as a strange entity living within its regional environment, after April 2003 did not change much In fact, there were no signs of détente before the Arab League summit in Baghdad in 2011, and the signs of a break in the stalemate in inter-relations over the past years have become evident. Disruption and refraction was not high (Islamic Republic of Iran, Turkey, Syrian Arab Republic, Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait). Each side is governed by perceptions about Iraq, especially after 2003, and the political and economic developments taking place.  

scholarly journals The Study of Effects of Iraq's New Political Geography on the National Security of the Islamic Republic of Iran Based on Lee Norji Martin’s Theory

2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (5) ◽  
pp. 230
Author(s):  
Akbar Ghafoori
Keyword(s):  
Natural Resources ◽  
National Security ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Geography ◽  
Political Legitimacy ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Islamic Republic ◽  
Islamic Republic Of Iran ◽  
The Impact

Given that the geography of modern times was one of the most important factors affecting the relations between Iran and Iraq, in this article we have tried to examine the influence of Iraq's new political geography variable factors on the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. For this purpose, regardless of the security implications of Iraq's geopolitical constant factors, with placing three variable factors in the political geography means population, natural resources and socio-political institutions in the form of five security variables for Lee Norji. Martin, meaning the political legitimacy, civil rights and ethnic and minorities, military strength, the strength of economic management and natural resources, fifteen areas will be formed (in the annexes, these fifteen areas are in the table). The question that arises here is that what is the impact of Iraq's new political geography on the national security of Iran? The hypothesis that we are looking to review it is that changes in some areas of geopolitical of Iraq, after the United States invaded Iraq, made threats to the national security of Iran. The main objective of this paper is to study Iranian security changes in the first ten areas and to present solutions. Since the Iraq has not achieved stability yet, next five areas need further research and in this article do not occur<strong>.</strong>

THE RISE OF THE SUBCONTRACTOR STATE: POLITICS OF PSEUDO-PRIVATIZATION IN THE ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF IRAN

2013 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-70 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kevan Harris
Keyword(s):  
State Institution ◽  
Pension Funds ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Primary Data ◽  
Islamic Republic ◽  
Middle Income ◽  
Secondary Sources ◽  
Middle Income Countries ◽  
Islamic Republic Of Iran ◽  
Single State

AbstractSince 2009, analyses of Iran have stressed the centralizing takeover of the country's economy by a single state institution, the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps. At the same time, however, Iran's factionalized political elite uniformly advocate for rapid privatization of state-owned enterprises. Underneath this puzzling contradiction is a complex shift of economic ownership away from the state toward a variety of parastatal organizations including banks, cooperatives, pension funds, foundations, and military-linked contractors. The result is not a praetorian monolith but a subcontractor state. This article draws on interviews conducted in Iran during 2009 and 2010, primary data from parliamentary and governmental reports, and secondary sources to show how intraelite conflict and nonelite claims have structured the process of privatization. Framed comparatively with privatization outcomes in other middle-income countries, Iran's subcontractor state can be seen as a consequence of the way in which politics and society shaped the form of capitalism that has taken root in the Islamic Republic.

scholarly journals Political Identity as a Security Factor of Ukrainian Statehood

2020 ◽  
pp. 297-316
Author(s):  
Mykola Prymush
Keyword(s):  
Identity Formation ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
Social Activity ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Security Level ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Negative Consequences ◽  
Leading Role ◽  
The Media

In the article, the authors analyze the formation of the political identity of citizens of Ukraine as a security factor of Ukrainian statehood. It is noted that, in addition to political identity, there are many other identities, that are presented in the form of a matrix, the components of which continuously interact with, complement and influence each other. In terms of methodology, the process of forming political identity is considered from the standpoint of symbolic interactionism, where the emphasis is placed on political interaction. In addition, in order to objectively assess the effectiveness of the formation of political identity and potential negative consequences in the form of a crisis of statehood, the mechanism for transforming a situational identity into a basic political identity is considered from the standpoint of post-structuralism. The study identifies and formulates criteria for constructing this basic type of political identity, the prerequisites for their formation and correlation with the actual political situation in Ukraine. The multitude of approaches to the study of the formation of political identity is complemented by the consideration of various models of its construction. Fragmental, elite and organic models are considered. Particular attention is paid to the leading role of the state in the process of forming political identity, where the key participants are political elites, the media and civil society. To determine how the perception of the degree of influence of each participant affects the process of political identity formation by the population of Ukraine at different periods of time, with its intermittent outbursts of social activity, the method of factor analysis is used. On the basis of the results of the analysis of the constructed triangular diagrams, two patterns are extracted. According to one, an increase in positive perception and integration into the process of socialization of models of the political identity formation proposed by the political elite is observed in society after each surge in mass protests that leads to a regime change. The other pattern is manifested in the revealed tendentiousness of the influence of the media and political elites on the security level of Ukrainian statehood and the growth of tension in society.

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