scholarly journals PANSLAVISM IN MODERN RUSSIA: ACADEMIC AND POLITICAL DIMENSION (based on M. Danilevsky's ideological heritage)

2019 ◽  
pp. 137-148
Author(s):  
Natalia KOVALCHUK ◽  
Keyword(s):  
The European Union ◽  
Russian Scientist ◽  
Political Dimension ◽  
Public Figures ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
The Difference ◽  
Xix Century ◽  
Central And Southeastern Europe

Abstract Background: While international tensions increase and Russia's relations with the US and the European Union are worsening as a result of the annexation of Crimea and military intervention in Eastern Ukraine, the presence of Panslavic ideas in the Kremlin's propaganda arsenal becomes more and more visible. Russian politicians, scholars, and conservative public figures often voice the central thesis of Panslavism about the difference and the eternal confrontation between Russia and the West and explain the nature of actual conflicts in the light of this thesis. Purpose: To analyze the contemporary manifestations of Panslavism in the academic, educational and political circles of the Russian Federation by examining the current role of the intellectual heritage of Nikolai Danilevsky, a Russian scientist and conservative philosopher, author of the well-known book “Russia and Europe.” Results: The material presented in the article testifies that Panslavism continues to function in various cultural and political contexts, including undergoing a new rise in Russia in the XX-beginning of the XXI centuries. Slavic motives today are not only present in artistic or academic narratives – as the contemporary appeal to Danilevsky's ideas shows, but they are also periodically instrumentalized for political purposes. In the imagined world of Russian Panslavism, Russia looks stronger than the Western powers, capable of becoming a center of attraction for Slavic neighbors. Radical Russian nationalism borrowed the agenda of the Panslavists of the second half of the XIX century with a view to restoring lost influence in Central and Southeastern Europe. Key words: Panslavism, Russian imperialism, M. Danilevsky, “Russia and Europe”.

Turkey and Europe: The Role of Migration

2013 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 394-399
Author(s):  
Pieter Emmer
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
The Netherlands ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Full Member ◽  
Turkish Immigrants ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
The Difference ◽  
The Eu

In spite of the fact that negotiations have been going on for years, the chances that Turkey will eventually become a full member of the European Union are slim. At present, a political majority among the EU-member states headed by Germany seems to oppose Turkey entering the EU. In the Netherlands, however, most political parties are still in favour of Turkey's membership. That difference coincides with the difference in the position of Turkish immigrants in German and Dutch societies.

scholarly journals Ukraine in the Focus of US Foreign Policy Priorities

2020 ◽  
pp. 66-79
Author(s):  
N. Gegelashvili ◽  
◽  
I. Modnikova ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
The United States ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Us ◽  
The World ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
Radical Transformation

The article analyzes the US policy towards Ukraine dating back from the time before the reunification of Crimea with Russia and up to Donald Trump coming to power. The spectrum of Washington’s interests towards this country being of particular strategic interest to the United States are disclosed. It should be noted that since the disintegration of the Soviet Union Washington’s interest in this country on the whole has not been very much different from its stand on all post-Soviet states whose significance was defined by the U,S depending on their location on the world map as well as on the value of their natural resources. However, after the reunification of Crimea with Russia Washington’s stand on this country underwent significant changes, causing a radical transformation of the U,S attitude in their Ukrainian policy. During the presidency of Barack Obama the American policy towards Ukraine was carried out rather sluggishly being basically declarative in its nature. When President D. Trump took his office Washington’s policy towards Ukraine became increasingly more offensive and was characterized by a rather proactive stance not only because Ukraine became the principal arena of confrontation between the United States and the Russian Federation, but also because it became a part of the US domestic political context. Therefore, an outcome of the “battle” for Ukraine is currently very important for the United States in order to prove to the world its role of the main helmsman in the context of a diminishing US capability of maintaining their global superiority.

scholarly journals The Role Of Reputation In Market Entry: Evidence From French Public Procurement

2016 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 805-814 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maher Kachour ◽  
Olivier Mamavi ◽  
Haithem Nagati
Keyword(s):  
Market Entry ◽  
Public Procurement ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Past Performance ◽  
Public Markets ◽  
Free Competition ◽  
French Firm ◽  
The Difference ◽  
The Impact

This article studies the impact of reputation on market entry in public procurement. Based on the observation of a French firm with a strong reputation, we demonstrate a significant effect of the difference in public contracts won between date t-1 and date t. Our model provides empirical proof that selection of a supplier with a strong reputation does not hinder entry in public procurement nor does it prevent free competition. This result thus questions the justification for the European Union regulation that limits the use of information on past performance to select suppliers in public markets. The findings also suggest that reputation mechanisms can help reduce uncertainty during contract execution. 

3. Governmental Structure

2021 ◽  
pp. 73-112
Author(s):  
Robert Schütze
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Separation Of Powers ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The Us ◽  
Governmental Function ◽  
Us Constitution ◽  
Set Up ◽  
Council Of Ministers ◽  
Internal Procedures

This chapter examines the internal composition, internal powers, and internal procedures of the European Parliament, the European Council, and the Council of Ministers. It begins by looking at the role of the separation-of-powers principle in the European Union. Unlike the US Constitution, the EU Treaties do not discuss each institution within the context of one governmental function. Instead, each institution has ‘its’ article in the Treaty on European Union, whose first section then describes the combination of governmental functions in which it partakes. The European Treaties have thus ‘set up a system for distributing powers among different [Union] institutions’. And it is this conception of the separation-of-powers principle that informs Article 13(2) TEU. The provision is thus known as the principle of interinstitutional balance.

14. Interest Groups and the European Union

2019 ◽  
pp. 201-218
Author(s):  
Rainer Eising
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Interest Groups ◽  
Interest Group ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Group System ◽  
The Difference ◽  
Group Structures ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The Eu

This chapter examines the role of interest groups in European Union (EU) politics. It also considers the way in which the EU institutions influence interest group structures and activities. The chapter begins with an overview of the relationship between the EU institutions and interest groups and examines the steps taken thus far to regulate that relationship. It then looks at the evolution and the structure of the interest group system, focusing in particular on two salient aspects: the difference between national and EU organizations; and the difference between specific and diffuse interests.

The Role of Regulatory Impact Assessment in Fighting Climate Change and the Economic Downturn: A EU-US Perspective

2010 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 251-257 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jacopo Torriti ◽  
Ragnar Lofstedt
Keyword(s):  
Climate Change ◽  
Impact Assessment ◽  
The United States ◽  
Regulatory Competition ◽  
Economic Downturn ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The Us ◽  
Regulatory Impact ◽  
The Eu

In times of low economic growth and post-Copenhagen climate talks, a number of reasons for regulatory competition and cooperation between the United States and the European Union coexist. This paper discusses the role of Impact Assessment between the US and the EU on responses to the economic downturn and climate change. It is argued that, in the future, IAs will be an instrument through which it will be possible to read the level of cooperation and competition between the US and the EU, particularly on economic trade and environmental regulation.

The Consequences of a Third Party Decision on Coopetition Strategies

2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Anne-Sophie Fernandez ◽  
Francoise Pierrot
Keyword(s):  
Third Party ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Longitudinal Case Study ◽  
Accounting Standard ◽  
The Third ◽  
Setting Process ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Third Party ◽  
Accounting Standard Setting

Coopetition is a paradoxical strategy combining simultaneously cooperation and competition. Previous scholars investigated the role of the third-party in coopetition dynamics: it can initiate and drive the coopetition strategy or it can be involved in the management of the relationship. But the consequences of this involvement remain under-investigated. This research aims to fill this gap: what are the consequences of the involvement of a third-party in a coopetition strategy on the partners and their relationship? To answer this question, we conducted a longitudinal case study of coopetition strategies between two institutions the FASB and the IASB in the specific context of the global accounting standard-setting process and convergence process between the US GAAPs and the IFRSs.Our findings enable us to identify three different phases in the process. We provide evidence on the role of the third-party (the European Union in the case) in the evolution of the coopetition dynamic between the FASB and the IASB, and analyze the consequences on both partners and their relationship.

The Notion of Consensus as a Route to Democratic Adjudication?

2012 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 663-695
Author(s):  
Bilyana Petkova
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
The United States ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Constitutional Courts ◽  
Federal States ◽  
European Court ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
The Us ◽  
Us Supreme Court

AbstractBuilding on the theory of democratic constitutionalism, I assess the political implications of the constitutional space formed by the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU), the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) and national constitutional courts in Europe. Democratic constitutionalism helps situate the role of constitutional courts in stimulating a degree of consensus, necessary for governance of heterogeneous communities such as the United States and the European Union. Questions of legitimacy and confidence in the judiciary come to the fore. I examine a mechanism used by the US Supreme Court, the CJEU and the ECtHR alike to foster democratic constitutionalism: in order to confront challenges to judicial legitimacy and remain responsive to the extra-judicial environment, these courts rely on majoritarian trends, or consensus, inspired by, but not limited to, the constitutional law of federal states and member countries.

scholarly journals Creation of Armed Forces in NATO Member States: Promising Models of Germany and Norway

2021 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-81
Author(s):  
Andrey Manoilo ◽  
◽  
Elena Ponomareva ◽  
Philipp Trunov ◽  
◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
International Development ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Potential Growth ◽  
Member States ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
The Military

Introduction. One of the key tendencies of modern international development is the growing importance of the “factor of power”. In this context, the initiated long process of the potential growth of the armed forces of the countries participating in NATO, which is of particular importance in the growth of new unconventional threats (one of the triggers of the Alliance transformation including through the strengthening of national units has become a global pandemic) is important from scientific and practical points of view. Methods and materials. The theoretical and methodological basis of the research is the theory of building armed forces. The basic sources for the analysis are official documents of military departments, as well as materials from related information centers, which reveal the parameters of the prospective appearance of the armed forces of the countries under study. NATO’s statistical and summit reports also occupy a special place. Analysis. The goal of the article is the research of the armed forces building processes in Germany and Norway for the future until the mid-2030s. These case countries can show the tendencies of military development of NATO European member states in the whole taking into account the differences between Germany and Norway in terms of the geographical location, the population as the main human resource of the armed forces, as well as the transformation of leadership and dynamics of relations between the “historical West” and the Russian Federation, which allows us to characterize the overall trends in the military and political development of European NATO member states. Results. It is proved that the growth of military potential is based on two main groups of reasons. The first is due to the strategic deterioration of relations between the West and Russia since the mid-2010s. The second is that the armed forces of the European member States of NATO have reached the “bottom” position in terms of almost all quantitative parameters. The continuing trend of decreasing numerical indicators (people and technology) threatens to reduce the role of the state on the world stage. Therefore, it is natural to see Germany’s desire to become a “framework nation” in the recruitment of NATO rotation groups in Europe, as well as in the deployment of peacebuilding and peacekeeping missions outside the area of responsibility of the Alliance, which inevitably leads to a large-scale increase in the number of armed forces and the cost of their modernization. In the case of Norway the transformation of the armed forces occurs in the conditions of refusal to increase included human resources and enhance the value of the military presence of NATO partners (primarily the US) first of all in the process of reorganizing the national system of territorial defense. In both cases, there are still tendencies to transform the role of the US in Europe and to consolidate the confrontation with the Russian Federation.

scholarly journals Relationship between Spain and Russia through shared interests: key for normalization of relations with the European Union

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-18
Author(s):  
Carlos Uriarte Sánchez
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Organized Crime ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
Common Interests ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
Mutual Relations ◽  
The Right ◽  
Global Agenda

Since 2014 relations between the European Union and Russia have been severely affected by the sanctions policy that has been detrimental to both sides. However, Spain has not been able to stand aside from this policy. Nevertheless, Spain, maintaining a common position on sanctions against Russia out of solidarity and because of its obligations to European partners, has tried to develop bilateral relations with the Russian Federation in a positive way. Spain realizes that more unites it with Russia rather than divides. Spain and Russia have common interests and challenges not only in cultural, scientific, economic and commercial spheres of bilateral relations, but also in political areas of the global agenda such as the climate change and terrorism, the organized crime. These challenges are also common for both the European Union as a whole and Russia, and for this reason, Spain can play a role of catalyst in possible rapprochement. Without abandoning the principles and values at the heart of the European project, Spain can advance a bilateral agenda with Russia, which will contribute to the gradual building of mutual relations, including in political sphere. The ultimate goal will be achieved when the right conditions are created and the broken trust is restored. Spain could also lead this process within the European Union, since it has a more balanced position in relations with Russia than other European partners do. Thus, Spain can become a necessary and key facilitator of the dialogue and efforts to normalize relations.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document