scholarly journals Scarcity, Rural Consumers and COVID-19: Challenges and Opportunities

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (5) ◽  
pp. 34-36
Author(s):  
Arunjyoti Sarangi ◽  
Sandipana Das

While the entire world is under constant observation and lock down caused by the Coronavirus COVID-19, the most suffered are being neglected. As the press says “The rich brought this virus in to the country and the one paying for it are the poor and marginalized population”. The virus has not only challenged the entire health and immune system, it has also taken a toll on the already damaged economy of our country. Every sector has been through loss, be it is production, transportation or supply chain. The major trouble is the larger the population density is, the bigger the threat it is going to be. As the same has been observed in Italy, India also is dreading for that nightmare to turn into reality. But the recipient of all these hassle and negligence comes down to the bottom of the pyramid. The nation and the GoI sure are trying to support every individual. Yet the question lies: Is this sufficient?

1987 ◽  
Vol 24 ◽  
pp. 1-14 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. A. McGuckin

If patristic tradition on the subject of wealth and possessions often appears ambivalent in its attitudes, then perhaps one of the reasons for this is that this tradition grows from an exegesis of Gospel teachings on the subject that themselves are far from being straightforward, even though they are immensely forthright. Clement of Alexandria, for example, has frequently been accused of twisting the simple and immediately obvious demand of Jesus: ‘Sell all you have and give to the poor’ (Mark 10.21) and subverting a radical vision of Jesus into a comfortable exhortation that any pious property-owner, bourgeois or aristocratic, could be happy to live with. If the rich young man had understood Christ’s real message, as Clement would have it (not so much to renounce his ownership of goods as to free his heart from attachment to them), then he might not have had such a crisis about following Jesus. Whether or not Clement’s case is, in the end, convincing as an exegesis, it none the less successfully raises all the implicit problems of interpreting the New Testament teachings on wealth in any kind of universalist sense—as teachings that are meant to apply to all, and for all time. And there are, consequently, many dangers in being too ready to dismiss Clement’s allegorism as an anachronistic exegesis, not least the danger of reverting to a different kind of biblical fundamentalism than the one Clement thought he was attacking; for contemporary biblical criticism, as it attempts to separate out the original message of Jesus and the insights of his later disciples, and to locate the original words in their correct historical and sociological milieu, has rightly warned us against over-confidence in our historical interpretations of Gospel material.


2016 ◽  
pp. 1490-1514
Author(s):  
Kingsly Awang Ollong

This paper explores business strategies and policies put in place by multinational corporations to alleviate poverty in Africa with specific examples from Cameroon. The world's population is rapidly increasing and the rich people are getting richer, whereas the poor people are becoming even more marginalized. During the era of economic liberalization the belief was that the opening up of economies to multinational corporations could lead to economic growth and, subsequently, economic development. The activities of multinational corporations have witnessed a tremendous boom since the advent of the twenty first century, that is characterized with advances in information communication technology, and the flow of capital have been the main proxy for MNC activity. MNCs are mainly motivated by opportunities that increase their profits, and the most important factors for MNCs are market size and access to resources. Nevertheless, as markets are getting saturated and MNCs are looking for new opportunities, innovative business strategies have been developed to provide dividends to their shareholders while making sure the stakeholders and communities in which they operate also benefit. This paper explores some business models that MNCs have used to make their products available, affordable and accepted in poor markets that are mostly found in Africa on the one hand and corporate social responsibility initiatives implemented by MNCs to alleviate poverty in the continent on the other. The paper concludes that though the principal goal of MNCs is profit maximization, corporations are making an effort to see that the poor benefit from the activities of these giant companies. To get to this conclusion the paper relied on both primary sources and the exploitation of the already existing literature in books and journals. Given that the sector of activities of MNCs is vast, the paper laid emphasis on fast moving consumer goods companies (FMCGs) in Cameroon.


2016 ◽  
Vol 110 (2) ◽  
pp. 342-352 ◽  
Author(s):  
DENNIS C. RASMUSSEN

This article explores Adam Smith's attitude toward economic inequality, as distinct from the problem of poverty, and argues that he regarded it as a double-edged sword. On the one hand, as has often been recognized, Smith saw a high degree of economic inequality as an inevitable result of a flourishing commercial society, and he considered a certain amount of such inequality to be positively useful as a means of encouraging productivity and bolstering political stability. On the other hand, it has seldom been noticed that Smith also expressed deep worries about some of the other effects of extreme economic inequality—worries that are, moreover, interestingly different from those that dominate contemporary discourse. In Smith's view, extreme economic inequality leads people to sympathize more fully and readily with the rich than the poor, and this distortion in our sympathies in turn undermines both morality and happiness.


2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Jan-erik Lane

<p><em>The COP21 Agreement harbours a conflict between Third </em><em>w</em><em>orld and First world countries that has cropped up in tensions in all meetings by the UNFCCC. On the one hand, there is the catch-up set of countries—emerging economies—that have recently “taken off” economically and that will not accept a trade-off between economic development and environmental need of cutting emissions. On the other hand, there is the set of mature economies that grow sluggishly and have started to cut back on fossil fuels, especially coal. The first set of nations want the second set to pay for their gigantic energy transformation in a few decades—decarbonisation. The first set claimed that they had not created the big problem originally, and that fairness requires that the rich help the poor. At the COP21 summit, a deal was struck, worth 100 billion dollars per year to fund a Stern (2007) like Super Fund. But will it really be put in place and made operational?</em></p>


The current paper talks about the unavoidable class system that we all are entrapped in. The basic issue lies in the fact that the society we live in and grow operates on the system of class consciousness. The rich/bourgeoisie class uses and abuses the low or poor class to get their work done, whereas the poor or the proletariat has no choice except to be manipulated by the rich class for the cost of labor, for they know that their survival lies in the manipulation. It has become an accepted phenomenon that the rich class/bourgeoisie exploits the poor class for their needs and desires. The rich class has become totally dependent on the proletariat and they know they cannot move without them. As the society is designed and planned on unequal footings so, on the one hand, the rich class has found a medium to exploit the labor class but at the same time the proletariat are not allowed to interact with them and furthermore there is a bleak chance of their unification as the lower/labor class itself is a stigma in the eyes of the bourgeoisie.


Author(s):  
Kingsly Awang Ollong

This paper explores business strategies and policies put in place by multinational corporations to alleviate poverty in Africa with specific examples from Cameroon. The world's population is rapidly increasing and the rich people are getting richer, whereas the poor people are becoming even more marginalized. During the era of economic liberalization the belief was that the opening up of economies to multinational corporations could lead to economic growth and, subsequently, economic development. The activities of multinational corporations have witnessed a tremendous boom since the advent of the twenty first century, that is characterized with advances in information communication technology, and the flow of capital have been the main proxy for MNC activity. MNCs are mainly motivated by opportunities that increase their profits, and the most important factors for MNCs are market size and access to resources. Nevertheless, as markets are getting saturated and MNCs are looking for new opportunities, innovative business strategies have been developed to provide dividends to their shareholders while making sure the stakeholders and communities in which they operate also benefit. This paper explores some business models that MNCs have used to make their products available, affordable and accepted in poor markets that are mostly found in Africa on the one hand and corporate social responsibility initiatives implemented by MNCs to alleviate poverty in the continent on the other. The paper concludes that though the principal goal of MNCs is profit maximization, corporations are making an effort to see that the poor benefit from the activities of these giant companies. To get to this conclusion the paper relied on both primary sources and the exploitation of the already existing literature in books and journals. Given that the sector of activities of MNCs is vast, the paper laid emphasis on fast moving consumer goods companies (FMCGs) in Cameroon.


2001 ◽  
Vol 61 (4) ◽  
pp. 1121-1122
Author(s):  
Lynn MacKay

In this book, Marco van Leeuwen attempts to answer three questions about poor relief in Amsterdam during the period immediately preceding Dutch industrialization: “Which groups provided poor relief and why? Which groups received poor relief and why? What effects did poor relief have on society?” (p. 2). To answer these questions, van Leeuwen develops a model whereby the poor-relief system served as an “exchange mechanism” (p. 33). On the one side, the rich used the system as “a control strategy” (p. 3) to influence the behavior of the poor in ways advantageous to themselves. According to van Leeuwen, there were a number of ways in which the poor-relief system met elite needs. Economically, it allowed them to control the labor market by ensuring there would be a labor reserve on hand to meet seasonal demand. Politically, it helped legitimize the social order and prevent unrest. Medically, it helped prevent the spread of disease through compulsory vaccination schemes. Finally, the poor relief system helped to instil proper values in the poor.


The current paper talks about the unavoidable class system that we all are entrapped in. The basic issue lies in the fact that the society we live in and grow operates on the system of class consciousness. The rich/bourgeoisie class uses and abuses the low or poor class to get their work done, whereas the poor or the proletariat has no choice except to be manipulated by the rich class for the cost of labor, for they know that their survival lies in the manipulation. It has become an accepted phenomenon that the rich class/bourgeoisie exploits the poor class for their needs and desires. The rich class has become totally dependent on the proletariat and they know they cannot move without them. As the society is designed and planned on unequal footings so, on the one hand, the rich class has found a medium to exploit the labor class but at the same time the proletariat are not allowed to interact with them and furthermore there is a bleak chance of their unification as the lower/labor class itself is a stigma in the eyes of the bourgeoisie.


2014 ◽  
Vol 73 (2) ◽  
pp. 105-129
Author(s):  
Els Witte

Naar de Oranjegezinde grondleggers van de Vlaamse beweging is in de literatuur al heel wat aandacht gegaan. Maar wegens het gebrek aan een monografie  over het orangisme, kon deze groep niet in een breder kader worden geplaatst. Dank zij de publicatie van een dergelijke studie is dat nu wel mogelijk. Er blijkt uit dat de taalminnaren maar het zwakke broertje zijn van een beweging die ettelijke duizenden opposanten telt. Numeriek en politiek stellen ze niet veel voor en noch aan de contrarevoluties noch aan de harde oppositiebeweging in de pers dragen ze veel bij. Als literair bedrijvigen zitten ze gekneld tussen hun loyaliteit aan koning Willem I en het regime waarvan ze tot de revolutie van 1830 veel steun kregen, hun bekommernis om ook na 1830 hun baan te behouden en hun wens om in het Nederlands te blijven publiceren, ook nu die taal niet langer een officieel statuut heeft. Deze spagaat leidt bij de meesten tot een pragmatisch binnenkamersorangisme, waarna ze, met Jan Frans Willems op kop, de Belgische regering van Leopold I opzoeken, met interne conflicten, verzet vanwege  de orangistische beweging maar ook met een heropbloei van de literaire bedrijvigheid tot gevolg. Pas als het aftakelingsproces van het politieke orangisme zich na 1839 heeft ingezet, worden de contacten met de orangisten weer opgenomen en ondersteunen de onverzettelijken onder hen de oppositiebeweging van de flaminganten. Dat gebeurt zowel in Gent als in Antwerpen. Samen evolueren ze vervolgens in de richting van een heimweecultus. De orangistische taalminnaren doen echter al van voor 1839 inspanningen om de banden met het noorden aan te halen. Ze blijven er in de jaren 1840 voor ijveren en de eerste Congressen van 1849-1850 zetten de kroon op hun werk, waardoor ze in grote mate bijdragen aan de taalculturele samenwerking die zich sindsdiens en tot op de dag van vandaag tussen Vlaanderen en Nederland ontwikkelde.________How Orangist were the (Dutch) ‘language lovers’?The literature has already paid a lot of attention to the Orangist founding fathers of the Flemish movement. Because no monograph was available about Orangism, this group could not be placed in a wider context. However, this is now possible due to the publication of such a study. The study demonstrates that the ‘language lovers’ were only the poor relatives of a movement, which consisted of several thousands of opponents. They did not amount to much in numbers nor in politics and neither did they contribute much to counterrevolutions or a strong opposition movement in the press. As people active in literature they were caught between their loyalty to King William I and the regime from which they received a lot of support until the revolution of 1830 on the one hand and their concern to keep their jobs also after 1830 and their wish to be able to continue to publish in Dutch, even when this language now longer had an official status, on the other hand. This yawning gap induced most of them to a pragmatic private Orangism that led them under the leadership of Jan Frans Willems to look to the Belgian government of Leopold I to deal with internal conflicts and resistance from the Orangist movement, but which also led to a revival of literary activities.  It was only after the decline of the political Orangist movement had begun after 1839 that they renewed their contacts with the Orangists and then the most intransigent amongst them supported the Flemish opposition movement. This occurred both in Ghent and in Antwerp. Together they then evolved into a nostalgia cult. The Orangist ‘language lovers’, however, had already attempted before 1839 to develop closer ties to the North. They continued to fight for this during the 1840’s and the first Congresses of 1849-1850 became their crowning glory, allowing them to make a major contribution to the lingo-cultural cooperation, which has developed since then between Flanders and the Netherlands.


Worldview ◽  
1976 ◽  
Vol 19 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 4-6
Author(s):  
Robert Coles ◽  
Theodore M. Hesburgh ◽  
Herbert Scoville

That person should be the next President who is wilting to make a major issue of who owns what in our economic system. I am not saying that a candidate who is interested in explicitly and candidly analyzing our economic system stands a good chance of being nominated, let alone being elected President. I am simply saying that for me one of the major problems confronting this nation is the enormous disparity between the rich and the upper middle class on the one hand and, on the other, the working people and the poor, who make up the overwhelming majority of our people. I value this country's political institutions; they are not to be dismissed lightly. They are imperfect and have recently been subjected to severe stress. But they offer each of us a precious degree of freedom.


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