Russia’s foreign policy in the age of Boris Yeltsin through the eyes of Slovak diplomats (1993–1999)

Author(s):  
Viktor V. Nikitin ◽  

ased on archival documents from the Embassy of the Slovak Republic in Moscow, which are being introduced into scholarly use for the first time, this essay discusses the two basic approaches of Slovak diplomats to Russian foreign policy. The first approach, utilised during the era of the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation Andrei V. Kozyrev, was described by Slovak representatives in Russia criticising its pro-Western policy that they said did not meet Russian national interests, but was then being pursued by the then top of the Russian Foreign Ministry. They saw the main problems of Russian diplomacy as being the deterioration of the socio-economic situation of the population of the Russian Federation on the one hand, and Kozyrev's emphasis on “strategic partnership” with the United States on the other, which gave rise to growing anti-American sentiments both among the political elite and the Russian electorate. This led, in particular, to a situation where even the most important bilateral agreements between Russia and the United States were perceived by the deputies of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation as a betrayal of Russian national interests. The second approach, which appeared in Slovak diplomatic reports under the next head of the Russian Foreign Ministry, Evgeny M. Primakov, was characterised by, after modifying both their rhetoric and approach to foreign policy, criticism of the minister, which resulted in an attempt by Western countries, especially the United States, to have him removed from his post. This is because Slovakia did not need even a hint of a conflict between Russia and the West, since both the Western and the post-Soviet spaces became the most important and, in a sense, even irreplaceable areas of Slovak foreign policy.

2022 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 131-161
Author(s):  
G. G. Kosach

The paper examines the evolution of Saudi Arabia’s foreign policy in the context of wider changes in the Middle East and in the Arab world triggered by the Arab Spring. The author argues that during this decade the Kingdom’s foreign policy has witnessed a fundamental transformation: the very essence of the Saudi foreign policy course has changed signifi cantly as the political es-tablishment has substantially revised its approaches to the country’s role in the region and in the world. Before 2011, Saudi Arabia — the land of the ‘Two Holy Mosques’ — positioned itself as a representative of the international Muslim community and in pursuing its foreign policy relied primarily on the religious authority and fi nancial capabilities. However, according to Saudi Arabia’s leaders, the Arab Spring has plunged the region into chaos and has bolstered the infl uence of various extremist groups and movements, which required a signifi cant adjustment of traditional political approaches. Saudi Arabia, more explicit than ever before, has declared itself as a nation state, as a regional leader possessing its own interests beyond the abstract ‘Muslim Ummah’. However, the author stresses that these new political ambitions do not imply a complete break with the previous practice. For example, the containment of Iran not only remains the cornerstone of Saudi Arabia’s foreign policy, but has become even more severe. The paper shows that it is this opposition to Iran, which is now justifi ed on the basis of protecting the national interests, that predetermines the nature and the specifi c content of contemporary Saudi Arabia’s foreign policy including interaction with the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), approaches towards the solution of the Israeli-Palestinian confl ict, combating terrorism, and relations with the United States. In that regard, the transformation of Saudi Arabia’s foreign policy has, on the one hand, opened up new opportunities for strengthening the Kingdom’s interaction with Israel, but, at the same time, has increased tensions within the framework of strategic partnership with the United States. The author concludes that currently Saudi Arabia is facing a challenge of diversifying its foreign policy in order to increase its international profi le and political subjectivity.


Author(s):  
Valeriy Zhabskiy ◽  
Aleksander Shuvalov

In the early 1990 s, the foreign policy concept in Russia was based on the policy of «Euro-Atlanticism», which presumed orientation towards the Western model of development, integration with the Western countries and a conflict-free vision of international relations. But unlike the era of «Cold War» with the USSR, the Western countries did not consider the Russian Federation to be equal in status and did not hasten the process of establishing strategic partnership. Russia has never managed to establish an alliance with the Western countries and become «part of the Western world», «Euro-Atlanticism» has not proved itself. In the late 1990s, a shift began to a course of «multi-vector» foreign policy, implying a multipolar system of international relations. Moreover, at the end of the twentieth century, the Russian Federation faced growing threats from the United States and the countries that make up the military-political bloc of NATO, which necessitated a rethinking of priorities and possibilities for ensuring the protection of Russia’s national interests and security, and the development and adoption of new doctrines and concepts on the subject. This article thus deals with the process of establishing State priorities on the basis of the principle of protecting the national interests and safeguarding the national security of the Russian Federation during the period 1999-2007.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (10) ◽  
pp. 87-98
Author(s):  
Dmitry V. Gordienko ◽  

With the intensification of the struggle for leadership between the United States and China, the task of realizing its own national interests is becoming especially urgent for Russia. The purpose of this article is to assess the impact of the prospects for the realization of the national interests of the Russian Federation in the context of an aggravated struggle for leadership between the United States and China. The paper proposes an approach to the analysis and studies the prospects for the realization of the national interests of the Russian Federation in the context of an aggravated struggle for leadership between the United States and China, which determine the interdependence of the countries of the "strategic triangle" Russia-China-USA. The proposed approach to assessing these prospects allows us to forecast the develop-ment of relations between the countries of the "strategic triangle". The results of the analysis can be used to substantiate recommendations for the leadership of our coun-try. It is concluded that the Russian Federation, the People's Republic of China and the United States of America are important partners for each other.


Author(s):  
Dominik Karczmarzyk

Following the outbreak of the conflict in Syria, the United States and Russian Federation became involved in the peace process aimed at stabilizing the internal situation. In the initial phase of this process, Russia introduced political plans to resolve the dispute, while successively blocking UNSC projects calling for the resignation of Bashar al-Assad. As a consequence of the changes that took place in Russia’s foreign policy after the annexation of Crimea, it began conducting military activities aimed at ousting opposition forces from Syria and preventing the West from making any possible intervention. Due to the lack of a decisive response from the United States, within a few years the Syrian regime’s offensive, militarily supported by Russia, reduced the opposition forces supported by the US to the defense. As a result of Russi’s intense involvement in the process of resolving the Syrian conflict, this country has once again started to play a key role in the international arena. The conflict in Syria has highlighted the Russian government’s aspirations to rebuild its state as a superpower.


Author(s):  
Sergei Valer'evich Krivov ◽  
Tat'yana Vladimirovna Baranova ◽  
Sergey Valer'evich Starkin

The subject of this research is the sanctions imposed by Western countries against Russia in response to the Ukrainian events of 2014. Leaning on the available empirical data and expert assessments conducted by various financial and analytical structures, an attempt is made to identify the nature and severity of impact of sanction pressure upon different economic sectors of the Russian Federation, implemented for achieving the foreign policy goals. Emphasis is placed on the absence of uniform sanctions policy due to the specificity of foreign policy goals and peculiarities of sanction mechanisms used by the United States and the European Union. It is underlined that anti-Russian sanctions and Russia’s response in many instances are substantiated by the preceding trends in strategic vision of foreign and domestic policy by the Russian Federation, as well as the nature of its relations with the West. The conclusion is made that the focus in studying the problem of sanctions has shifted towards the political analysis and further analytical and scientific examination. The author believes that in the conditions of uncertainty of the economic effects and absence of common approaches towards understanding the prospects of sanctions policy by the Western countries the two main scenarios of its further development. It would either gradually fade out without “renewed efforts”, slowly negating its practical effect, and prompt the United States and the European Union intensify the dialogue with Russia, avoiding the problematic issues on the status of Crimea, implication in the events in South-Eastern Ukraine, etc.; or it can lead to full “politicization” of sanctions polity and its integration into the negotiation process on settlement of the Ukrainian situation and turning into a powerful tool for conducting negotiations.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (12) ◽  
pp. 135-150
Author(s):  
D. V. GORDIENKO ◽  

The European component of the policy of the states of the “strategic triangle” Russia-China-USA occupies an important place in the implementation of the national interests of the USA, China and the Russian Federation in various regions of the world. The purpose of this study is to assess the impact of the European component of the policy of the states of the "strategic triangle" on the implementation of their current economic and military policies. The paper considers the influence of the European component of the policy of the United States of America, the People's Republic of China and the Russian Federation on ensuring the national security of these countries. Based on the results of the study, an approach is proposed to compare the influence of the European component of the policy of the states of the “strategic triangle” Russia-China-USA, which will reveal the priorities of Russian policy in Europe and other regions of the world. In addition, it was concluded that the European component of the policy of the United States, China and Russia occupies a dominant position in the implementation of current economic and military policy in the European region. Thus, a comparison of the European component of the policy of the states of the "strategic triangle" can be used to substantiate recommendations to the military-political leadership of our country.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (8) ◽  
pp. 122-138
Author(s):  
D. V. GORDIENKO ◽  

The purpose of the study is to assess the impact of the prospects for the realization of the national interests of the Russian Federation in the context of the anti-Chinese activities of the United States in the confrontation with the PRC and the aggravation of the struggle for leadership between the United States and China. An approach to the analysis of trends that determine the interdependence of the countries of the stra-tegic triangle Russia – China – the United States is proposed. An approach to assessing the prospects for the implementation of the national interests of the Russian Federation is proposed, which allows us to give a forecast of the development of relations between the countries of the named strategic triangle. The results of the analysis can be used to justify recommendations to the leadership of our country. It is concluded that the Russian Federation, China and the United States are important partners for each other.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (9) ◽  
pp. 94-103
Author(s):  
D. V. GORDIENKO ◽  

The purpose of the study is to assess the impact of the prospects for the realization of the national interests of the Russian Federation in the context of China's anti-American activities in the confrontation with the United States and the aggravation of the struggle for leadership between the United States and China. An approach is proposed to analyze the trends that determine the interdependence of the countries of the strategic triangle Russia-China-the United States; to assess the prospects for the implementation of the national interests of the Russian Federation. This allows us to give a forecast of the development of relations between the countries of the named strategic triangle. The results of the analysis can be used to justify recommendations to the leadership of our country. It is concluded that the Russian Federation, China and the United States are important partners for each other.


2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 74-79
Author(s):  
Nargiza Sodikova ◽  
◽  
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Important aspects of French foreign policy and national interests in the modern time,France's position in international security and the specifics of foreign affairs with the United States and the European Union are revealed in this article


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