scholarly journals FUNGSI PENCATATAN PERKAWINAN DIKAITKAN DENGAN UPAYA PERLINDUNGAN HUKUM TERHADAP ANAK SETELAH PUTUSAN MAHKAMAH KONSTITUSI NOMOR: 46/PUU-VIII/2010

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Atikah Rahmi ◽  
Sakdul

Registration of marriage is very important for the parties in the household, as a requirement for recognition or non-recognition of marriage by the state. Registration of marriages provides authentic evidence against a person's legal status through marriage publication book or marriage certificate. Marriages that are not listed will lead the legal status of the parties to the marriage are not clear. Pursuant to Article 43 of Law No. 1 in 1974, the children born of the marriage were not recorded, did not receive judicial protection. Constitutional Court Decision No. 46/PUU-VIII/2010 implicates on changing values in society regarding the status and rights of children outside of marriage. The Constitutional Court makes decision as two sides of a coin. On the one hand protect the rights of children outside of mating, but on the other hand the decision may weaken impressed marriage function and can lead to the institution of marriage becomes less are not sacred.

Author(s):  
Miguel Ángel CABELLOS ESPIÉRREZ

LABURPENA: Konstituzioak, 149.1.6 artikuluan, ez zion atea itxi nahi izan autonomia- erkidegoen parte-hartzeari araudi prozesalaren erregulazioan, eta, berez, Estatuari legegintza prozesalaren gainean eman zion eskumen esklusiboa mugatua da; izan ere, beren zuzenbide substantiboaren berezitasunetatik eratorritako espezialitate prozesalen gaineko eskumena aitortu baitzien, aldi berean, autonomia-erkidegoei. Eskumen hori batez ere zuzenbide zibil propioa duten erkidegoetan erabiltzekoa zen, baina ez haietan bakarrik, ez eta soilik gai honi dagokionean ere. Konstituzio Auzitegiak, baina, hain modu murriztailean jokatu du konstituzio-arau hori interpretatu eta aplikatu behar izan duenean (47/2004 epaia da salbuespen bakarra), non autonomia-erkidegoen espezialitate prozesalen gaineko eskumena ezerezean geratu baita. Artikulu honen asmoa honako hau da: alde batetik, egoera honetara nola heldu garen aztertzea; bestetik, 21/2012 epaia analizatzea, zeinak Konstituzio Auzitegiaren ildo murriztailea berresten duen; eta, azkenik, gaurko egoeran beste hautabide batzuk eskaintzea, autonomia-erkidegoek espezialitate prozesalen gainean daukaten eskumena (haietako batzuk erabiltzen ari direna) desagertzeko zorian dago-eta Konstituzio Auzitegiaren jurisprudentzian. RESUMEN: La Constitución, en su art. 149.1.6, no quiso cerrar la puerta a la intervención de las CCAA en la regulación de la normativa procesal y otorgó al Estado una competencia exclusiva sobre legislación procesal cuya exclusividad es, en realidad, limitada, dada la simultánea atribución a las CCAA de la competencia para dictar las necesarias especialidades procesales derivadas de las particularidades de su derecho sustantivo. Ello debía ser especialmente útil en aquellas comunidades con Derecho civil propio, aunque no solo en estas ni únicamente respecto de este ámbito material. Ocurre sin embargo que el Tribunal Constitucional, en las ocasiones en que ha debido interpretar y aplicar el mencionado precepto constitucional, lo ha hecho de modo tan restrictivo que, con la única y aislada excepción de la STC 47/2004, la competencia autonómica relativa a las especialidades procesales ha quedado reducida a la nada. El propósito de este artículo es, por un lado, el de examinar cómo se ha llegado a este punto; por otro, estudiar el último de los casos relevantes, la STC 21/2012, que confirma la citada línea restrictiva seguida por el Tribunal; y finalmente apuntar algunas alternativas a la situación a la que se ha llegado, en que la competencia de las CCAA en materia de especialidades procesales (que por otra parte algunas están ejerciendo) se halla condenada a la práctica desaparición en la jurisprudencia constitucional. ABSTRACT: The Constitution in section 149.1.16 has not closed the door to the Autonomous Communities intervention in the regulation of the procedural provisions and conferred the State the exclusive power over the procedural legislation albeit its exclusivity is limited by the simultaneous allocation to the Au tonomous Communities of the power to enact the necessary procedural specifities that come from the special features of its substantive law. That should be extremely useful in those Communities with their own Civil law, even though not only in those and not solely regarding this material field. But what happens is that when the Constitutional Court had to interpret and apply the aforementioned constitutional provision, it has done it so narrowly that with the only and sole exception of the Constitutional judgment 47/2004 the power is almost reduced to nothing. The purpose of this article is on the one hand to examine how this is been reached; and on the other hand, to study the last relevant ruling, judgment 21/2012, which confirms the aforementioned narrow line of interpretation followed by the Court; and finally to point at some alternatives to the situation that has been created in which the power of the Autonomous Communities regarding the procedural specificities (and which they are exercising anyway) is doomed to the practical disappearance according to the constitutional caselaw.


2002 ◽  
Vol 96 (4) ◽  
pp. 866-867
Author(s):  
Robert Fatton

Political Legitimacy in Middle Africa is an insightful, refreshing, and original book that refines and expands our understanding of the so-called “politics of the belly.” A phrase made famous by Jean Francois Bayart (The State in Africa: The Politics of the Belly, 1993), the politics of the belly is the phenomenon of “eating” the fruits of power. The extent to which officeholders monopolize or share these fruits with the larger community has, however, significant consequences for their legitimacy. As Michael Schatzberg suggests, a “moral matrix of legitimate governance” (p. 35) embedded in familial and paternal metaphors shapes these belly politics. In turn, he argues that the moral matrix is rooted in four major premises. The first and second are related to the image of the ruler as a “fatherchief,” who has the obligation, on the one hand, to nurture and nourish his “family,” and on the other hand, to punish his “children” when necessary and pardon them when they truly repent. The third premise concerns the status of women in society; while they are not considered equal to men, rulers should, nonetheless, respect their role as “counselors and advisers.” The fourth premise “holds that permanent power is illegitimate and that political fathers…have to let their children grow up, mature, take on ever-increasing responsibilities in the conduct of their own affairs, and eventually succeed them in power” (p. 192).


2013 ◽  
Vol 95 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-105 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Eggers

Abstract: The aim of this paper is to analyse the status of Locke’s state of nature and to examine whether the distinction between different theoretical perspectives can help to resolve the apparent contradictions between Locke’s ‘peaceful’ and his ‘warlike’ description of the natural state, a claim that has been made by commentators such as R. Ashcraft, J. Dunn and H. Aarsleff. Though, it is argued, distinguishing different state of nature accounts in Locke is essential for an appropriate understanding of Locke’s argument, the attempt to thereby free Locke of the charge of inconsistency fails. The reason is that the ‘peaceful’ and the ‘warlike’ description are equally part of Locke’s anthropological analysis. They can, therefore, not be reconciled by distinguishing between a ‘moral’ account of the state of nature on the one hand and an empirical account on the other.


2019 ◽  
pp. 77-86
Author(s):  
Sergei V. Pakhomov ◽  

The concept of jīvanmukti, “liberation during life”, arose in Advaita Vedānta as a response to the paradigm of “disembodied” liberation (videhamukti). The condition of jīvanmukti is highly appreciated in Tantrism. The concept of jīvanmukti often includes the meanings of identification with the absolute, the supreme deity. There are different kinds of jīvanmukti, for example, active and passive ones. The state of jīvanmukti is the complete independence, highest ideal, spiritual perfection. Jīvanmukta considers the entire objective world to be a reflection of the higher Self. The status of jīvanmukta can have an ideological dimension when it is opposed to traditions that are considered ineffective in Tantra. The acquisition of jīvanmukti is primarily due to spiritual knowledge. On the one hand, knowledge is a certain state of the carrier of knowledge himself; on the other hand, it is always knowledge of “something”. Although jīvanmukti can be reached through almost all tantric practices, there is a certain gradation of the time spent on it. The man reaches liberation during life not in isolation from the world. Outwardly, jīvanmukta cannot stand out among ordinary members of society; all his uniqueness is hidden inside his consciousness.


Federalism ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 75-88
Author(s):  
N. Yu. Korotina

The complexity of the economic aspects of federal relations and the multidimensional nature of management tasks predetermines the need to comprehend the essence of the system of federalism. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to substantiate a model that, on the one hand, considers federalism as the concept of the creation and functioning of the state system and as a way of managing the economy of the federal state on the other. Application of an evolutionary methodological approach allowed the author to divide the fundamental theories of federalism into two groups: the one examines federalism as a power paradigm, focuses on the federal principles of building a state, political and legal status The other examines federalism as a mechanism for coordinating the economic interests of its participants from the position of providing resources for fulfilling the assigned state functions at each level of the federal structure. The first group of fundamental works allows us to single out the essential features of federal relations. The second group of works made it possible to determine the economic principles of the functioning of federalism relations. Based on the highlighted features and principles of economic relations of federalism the article presents the author’s view of the dual subject essence of the state. Firstly, as a carrier of federal relations as a construct that structures and formats the territorial-state structure, as a mechanism of management and organization that sets the formal conditions for the reproduction of the subjects of the federal state based on the possession of power. Secondly, as an actor, one of the participants in the economic cycle of reproduction of the gross regional product based on the resources of the public sector. The proposed binary representation of the state allows us to show not only its creating role in the system of economic federalism, but also includes the goals of the regional economy in the federal system.


2012 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Erfaniah Zuhriah ◽  
Lutfiana Dwi Mayasari

<p>Constitutional Court’s decision on the rights of children who were born out of wedlock causes various controversies. On the one hand, it is considered as a positive decision for children’s benefit and their future. On the other hand, it is considered also as a negative decision by legalizing unregistered marriage. Using a field research and qualitative approach, this research produces a conclusion that four of respondents from  different  background  of  organizations  agree  with  this  constitutional  court decision if the intended object is the children from Sirri (unregistered) marriage. Furthermore, one respondent agrees if this decision becomes a guideline and no longer a phenomenon. The most important message from informants is a recommendation that Constitutional Court not to issue another ambiguous fatwa and this institution is capable to make a humanist decision and remains in the corridors of the religious demands that have been rooted in the community.</p> <p>Keputusan  mahkamah  konstitusi  tentang  hak  anak  diluar  nikah  menimbulkan  berbagai macam kontroversi. disatu pihak keputusan tersebut dianggap positif untuk kemaslahatan anak  dan  masa  depan  mereka,  dan  di  lain  pihak  keputusan  tersebut  dianggap  negative karena melegalkan pernikahan dibawah tangan. Dalam penelitian yang menggunakan jenis penelitian field research dengan pendekatan kualitatif ini menghasilkan suatu kesimpulan bahwa empat responden dengan latar belakang organisasi yang berbeda menyatakan setuju dengan keputusan MK tersebut jika yang dimaksud adalah anak hasil pernikahan sirri. Dan satu responden menyatakan setuju jika keputusan tersebut menjadi sebuah pedoman bukan lagi fenomenal. Pesan terpenting dari para informan adalah himbauan agar MK tak  lagi  mengeluarkan  suatu  fatwa  yang  ambigu  dan  mampu  menciptakan  keputusan yang  humanis  dan  tetap  dalam  koridor  tuntutan  keagamaan  yang  telah  mengakar  di masyarakat.</p>


Author(s):  
Miguel Ángel Alegre Martínez

<p>El escaso uso de los mecanismos de reforma constitucional ha hecho recaer sobre el Tribunal Constitucional, casi en exclusiva, la tarea de actualizar la Constitución española de 1978, a través de la interpretación evolutiva de la misma. En este trabajo, nos ocupamos, por una parte, de las dificultades a las que el Tribunal Constitucional ha tenido que enfrentarse en el desempeño de sus funciones; y, por otra, en el mayor o menor acierto en el ejercicio de las mismas. Reflexionamos sobre la delicada posición del Tribunal Constitucional, situado en el límite entre interpretar la voluntad del poder constituyente y sustituirla; así como en la frontera entre el activismo y la autocontención. Intentamos establecer la incidencia de algunas de sus decisiones sobre los problemas que afectan actualmente a nuestro sistema constitucional, en especial al Estado de las Autonomías.</p><p> </p><p>The limited use of the mechanisms of constitutional reform has made to rest on the Constitutional Court, almost exclusively, the task of updating the Spanish Constitution of 1978, through its evolutive interpretation. In this paper, we attend to, on the one hand, the difficulties to which the Constitutional Court has had to face in the development of its functions; and, on the other hand, the greater or lesser success in the exercise of the same. We reflect about the delicate position of the Constitutional Court, located on the border between interpreting the will of the constituent power or replace it; as well as on the border between activism or self-restraint. We are trying to establish the incidence of some of its decisions on the problems that currently affect our constitutional system, in particular to the State of Autonomies.</p>


Author(s):  
Vitaliy Hudyma ◽  
◽  
Myroslav Kovaliv ◽  
Andriy Pryveda ◽  
Khrystyna Kaydrovych ◽  
...  

The article is devoted to the study of guarantees as an element of the legal status of a judge. The article considers the effectiveness of justice by the judiciary as an independent branch of state power, which is entrusted with the function of protecting the rights and legitimate interests of persons in the state. It is argued that the right to judicial protection can be properly realized only if there is an effective mechanism of judicial protection, which becomes real if there are guarantees for the activity of a judge. The independence and independence of the judiciary is due to the constitutional principle of separation of powers, proclaimed in the Constitution of Ukraine. However, it is in democracies that this principle acquires special significance, because we are talking about legally enshrined guarantees and effective mechanisms of «containment and balances» in the organization and activities of various branches of government. Each of the branches of government – legislative, executive and judicial, independently performs only its inherent functions, not obeying each other. Decisions are made by the judiciary due to their independence, because no additional approval by the bodies of other branches of government is required. The most important prerequisite for this is the protection of the judiciary from unlawful influence or interference from other actors. Only an independent judiciary can become the guarantor of the rule of law, the implementation of effective and accessible justice and a fair judicial decision of cases in the state. The guarantees of the judge's activity in the administration of justice are divided into three groups: guarantees of the procedural activity of the judge as the bearer of judicial power, the subject of the process; organizational and legal guarantees for the activity of a judge as a person holding a public office and is a member of the judicial community; social and legal guarantees of a judge as a citizen with a special legal status, limited in civil rights by legislation on the status of judges and occupying a separate position in society.


Ethnicities ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 395-407
Author(s):  
Anne-Marie Fortier

This afterword addresses four broad questions raised by this special issue: uncertainty as a mode of governance, the ontological politics of naturalisation, the citizen-noncitizen distinction, and performative (anxious) states. First, taking uncertainty as a mode of neoliberal governance as the starting point of analysis, this afterword invites the scrutiny of the ways in which the artifice and uncertainty of citizenship are concealed or rendered irrelevant in naturalisation processes. Second, the contributions to this special issue consider naturalisation as a social and political process, rather than solely as a legal status. Pushing this conception further, this afterword considers naturalisation as transactional in two ways: on the one hand, migrants navigate a number of formal and informal requirements and ‘tests’, where some transactions are needed along the way, be they financial, practical, or symbolic. On the other hand, transactions will also occur in the translation of political ideology into policy. Third, naturalisation regimes both blur and reify the citizen-noncitizen and the citizen-migrant distinctions. Distinctions which this afterword unpacks by unravelling the assumed separation between citizenship and migration. How are citizens and migrants migratised? How are migrants and citizens citizenised? Fourth, a further element of the analysis concerns how state-citizen relations are enacted and by extension, how the state itself is ‘made up’ and ‘anxious’. The affective politics of ‘anxious states’ are telling of the frames of desire of naturalisation, which are founded on a threefold principle: the desirability of citizenship, the desire for desirable citizens, and the desirability of the state itself.


Author(s):  
Florian Coulmas

‘Citizenship, legal status, and proof of identity: identity as a legal concept’ explains that individual identity is the cornerstone of the rule of law and the relation of state and citizen. In law, it has to do with that which makes a person (or thing) distinct from any other person (or thing). It means that a subject is the same as it claims, or is charged, to be. The digital turn has added a new aspect to our legal identity, and protecting us against identity theft is a new obligation of the state, while we have no choice but to learn to protect ourselves against profit-seeking corporations, on the one hand, and a surveillance state, on the other.


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