Delegating for Trust

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edward H. Stiglitz

166 University of Pennsylvania Law Review 633 (2018)Courts and legal observers have long been concerned by the scope of authority delegated to administrative agencies. The dominant explanation of delegated authority is that it is necessary to take advantage of administrative agencies' expertise and expansive rulemaking capacity. Though this explanation makes sense in many settings, it falters in many areas and has given rise to a number of longstanding puzzles, such as why Congress does not invest in its own institutional capacity.Unrecognized in this debate over the puzzles of delegation is that Congress may delegate to take advantage of another distinctive attribute of administrative decisionmaking: the credible rationality and transparency afforded by administrative procedures. Drawing on positive political theory, this Article shows that Congress may delegate, not for expertise, but for public trust, which the legislature itself (appropriately) lacks due to concerns over the influence of special interest lucre, among other reasons. The procedural constraints that bind administrative agencies, as made credible by judicial review, encourage fairness and rationality and discourage the most egregious abuses of lawmaking authority. In delegating, Congress takes advantage of these credible constraints, which the institution cannot easily develop internally; and in relieving Members of Congress from public suspicion, it also advances their parochial electoral objectives.This vision of the administrative state accounts for a number of features of our legal and political system. It explains, for instance, why Congress has generally not invested in greater internal capacity-because trust, not capacity is the binding constraint; why, as a positive matter, fairness and transparency are essential to administrative procedures; and why, if those administrative procedures undergo erosion, as some suggest has occurred, anxiety about administrative lawmaking might arise. The Article concludes with a discussion of normative and doctrinal implications of this trust-based conception of administration, including a call for reorienting administrative procedures to more fully promote credible rationalityUnrecognized in this debate over the puzzles of delegation is that Congress may delegate to take advantage of another distinctive attribute of administrative decision-making: the credible rationality and transparency afforded by administrative procedures. Drawing on positive political theory, this Article shows that Congress may delegate, not for expertise, but for public trust, which the legislature itself (appropriately) lacks due to concerns over the influence of special interest lucre, among other reasons. The procedural constraints that bind on administrative agencies, as made credible by judicial review, encourage fairness and rationality and discourage the most egregious abuses of lawmaking authority. In delegating, Congress takes advantage of these credible constraints, which the institution cannot easily develop internally; and in relieving Members of Congress from public suspicion, it also advances their parochial electoral objectives.This vision of the administrative state accounts for a number of features of our legal and political system. It explains, for instance, why Congress has generally not invested in greater internal capacity — because trust, not capacity is the binding constraint; why, as a positive matter, fairness and transparency are essential to administrative procedures; and why, if those administrative procedures undergo erosion, as some suggest has occurred, anxiety about administrative lawmaking might arise. The Article concludes with a discussion of normative and doctrinal implications of this trust-based conception of administration, including a call for re-orienting administrative procedures to more fully promote credible rationality.

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennifer Nou ◽  
Edward H. Stiglitz

Regulatory bundling consists of the ability of administrative agencies to aggregate and disaggregate rules. Agencies, in other words, can bundle what would otherwise be multiple rules into just one. Conversely, they can split one rule into several. This observation parallels other recent work on how agencies can aggregate adjudications and enforcement actions, but now focuses on the most consequential form of agency action: legislative rules. The topic is timely in light of a recent executive order directing agencies to repeal two regulations for every new one promulgated. Agencies now have a greater incentive to pack regulatory provisions together for every two rules they can repeal.This Article explores the positive determinants and normative implications of regulatory bundling. The empirical analysis reveals that agencies have been increasingly engaging in regulatory bundling for the last two decades. More generally, bundling behavior varies widely across different administrative agencies, and agencies appear to include more subjects in their final, as opposed to proposed, rules. These findings, in turn, raise significant normative concerns that could be addressed through a suite of tools novel to the administrative state: single-subject rules, line-item vetoes, and innovative uses of more traditional doctrines of judicial review. Whether some of these tools should be adopted, however, requires further empirical assessment of regulatory bundling’s causes and consequences.


Author(s):  
Hermann Heller

This 1927 work addresses the paradox of sovereignty, that is, how the sovereign can be both the highest authority and subject to law. Unlike Kelsen and Schmitt who seek to dissolve the paradox, this text sees the tensions that the paradox highlights as an essential part of a society ruled by law. Sovereignty, in the sense of national sovereignty, is often perceived in liberal democracies today as being under threat, or at least “in transition,” as power devolves from nation states to international bodies. This threat to national sovereignty is at the same time considered a threat to a different idea of sovereignty, popular sovereignty—the sovereignty of “the people”—as important decisions seem increasingly to be made by institutions outside of a country’s political system or by elite-dominated institutions within. This text was written in 1927 amidst the very similar tensions of the Weimar Republic. In an exploration of history, constitutional and political theory, and international law, it shows that democrats must defend a legal idea of sovereignty suitable for a pluralistic world.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 7-31
Author(s):  
Catherine Warin

The courts of the EU's Member States have a duty to ensure the effective protection of individuals who are confronted with administrative decisions potentially infringing their rights. However, the principle of mutual trust is often understood as a limit to this protection. This is in so far as it requires domestic courts to abstain from reviewing decisions made by administrations of other Member States, even though such decisions may have effects beyond national boundaries. As transnational administrative procedures become increasingly frequent, this article analyses the implications of the principles of effective judicial protection and of mutual trust on the review of such procedures by domestic courts. It shows how, by gradually allowing domestic courts to review certain types of manifest errors committed beyond their national jurisdiction, the CJEU is moving past the apparent opposition of these principles. It finally argues that developing the transnational judicial review of manifest error may help improve the effective judicial protection of individuals.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eberhard Schmidt-Aßmann

US administrative law forms a body of law that is considered to be particularly ‘political’. From an early stage on, US administrative law has endeavoured to provide instruments and procedures that foster and implement democratic ideals and concepts; consequently, US ‘freedom of information’ and the standards of public participation in the rulemaking process have often served as a model for foreign administrative law systems. Nevertheless, the agency actions have constantly been questioned and disputed. This book offers a systematic analysis of the constitutional foundations as well as the procedures, of liability and judicial review in administrative matters, and it examines the legitimacy of the American ‘administrative state’.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter M. Shane

This Foreword introduces a Fordham Law Review symposium held in March 2014 to mark the thirtieth anniversary of Chevron U.S.A. v. Natural Resources Defense Council. One of the most-cited administrative-law decisions of all time, Chevron has sparked thirty years of scholarly discussion concerning what Chevron deference means, when (or even if) it should apply, and what impact it has had on the administrative state. Part I of the Foreword discusses the symposium contributions that address Chevron’s scope and application, especially in light of City of Arlington v. FCC. Part II introduces the contributions that explore empirically and theoretically Chevron’s impact outside of the judicial-review context -- i.e., its effect on legislative- and administrative-drafting theory and practice, its influence within the regulatory state more generally, and its adoption (or lack thereof) in state administrative law. Part III turns to the intersection of Chevron and federalism. Part IV concludes by grappling with the contributors’ diverse views on whether Chevron is indeed a big deal and, if so, whether it is a good or bad deal for the modern administrative state.


Author(s):  
Francisco VELASCO CABALLERO

LABURPENA: Objektibotasuna eta Administrazioa Legeari lotuta izatea Zuzenbide Publiko Konparatuan beti irekita dauden gaiak dira. Helburu hori lortzeko, estatu bakoitzak hainbat tresna juridiko izaten ditu. Espainian, objektibotasunaren eta legezkotasunaren bermea epaileen esku utzi da, funtsean. Beste herrialde batzuek tresna administratiboak dituzte, helburu berberak lortzeko esku-hartze judizialaren beharrik gabe. Horrelakoak dira Ipar Amerikako ≪Administrative Law Judges≫ deituak. Administrazio-enplegatu independenteak dira (independentziazko estatutu ia judiziala dutenak), eta funtzio hau dute: aurkakotasun-prozedura administratiboetan interesdunei entzutea eta dagokion gaian erabaki objektibo bat proposatzea. Administrazio-agentzietako zuzendaritza-kargudunen aldean enplegatu publiko horiek duten independentziari esker, objektibotasuna eta legezkotasuna berma daiteke, esku-hartze judizialaren beharrik gabe. RESUMEN: La objetividad y la vinculacion de la Administracion a la ley son cuestiones permanentes abiertas en el Derecho publico comparado. Diversos son los instrumentos juridicos con las que, en cada Estado, se pretende alcanzar esos objetivos. En Espana, la garantia de objetividad y de legalidad se ha depositado, fundamentalmente, en los jueces. Otros paises disponen de instrumentos administrativos que, sin necesidad de intervencion judicial, pretenden alcanzar los mismos objetivos. Este es el caso de los llamados ≪Administrative Law Judges≫ del Derecho norteamericano. Son empleados administrativos independientes (con estatuto cuasi judicial de independencia) cuya funcion es oir a los interesados en los procedimientos administrativos contradictorios y proponer una decision objetiva en el correspondiente asunto. La independencia de la que disponen estos empleados publicos, respecto de los cargos directivos de las correspondientes agencias administrativas, permite asegurar la objetividad y legalidad sin necesidad de intervencion judicial. ABSTRACT : Objectivity and legality of the Public Administration are open issues in comparative law. Various are the legal instruments by means of which each nation intends to achieve those objectives. In Spain, the guarantees of objectivity and legality traditionally rely on the judicial branch of power. Other countries have displayed distinctive administrative instruments, different to judicial intervention, to achieve the same objectives. This is the case of the so-called ≪Administrative Law Judges≫ of US law. They are independent administrative employees holding quasi-judicial independent. Their task consists of conducting the hearings in contradictory administrative procedures and proposing objective decisions to the directors of the relevant administrative agencies.


Author(s):  
Gerald J. Postema

This chapter discusses Bentham's critique of Common Law theory and practice. Bentham's critique is of special interest because that criticism reflects the considerations and arguments that moved him to his positivist conception of law. This radical critique of both the practice and the theory of Common Law rests on the same set of principles and arguments, drawn from his social and political theory, in particular his conception of the primary tasks and functions of law, and the best or most efficient means of serving them. Thus, Bentham's defence of his conception of the nature of law rests not on normatively neutral, analytical, or conceptual considerations, but on his analysis of fundamental human and social needs, and the ways in which law can be used to meet them. Jurisprudence draws directly on political theory. His is a distinctively utilitarian positivism.


Author(s):  
Linda Greenhouse

A very small percentage of cases reach the Supreme Court. “The Court at Work” explains that even if a case meets all the criteria, the justices are still at liberty to refuse it. The Court has navigated debates about the separation of powers and conflicting approaches to interpretations of the statutes. The growth of the administrative state means that the Court is now more often tasked with determining whether administrative agencies are carrying out their duties correctly. What do cases and controversies mean to the Supreme Court? Why are these terms important, and how have the Court’s interpretations of them changed over time?


2008 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 227-238
Author(s):  
L.W. Sumner

The complaint is a familiar one: unelected, politically unaccountable judges are using their powers of judicial review to subvert the democratic process by shaping public policy in accordance with their own personal moral/political views. It is tempting to dismiss this complaint as the grumbling of those, usually (though not invariably) on the political right, who have been disaffected by court decisions with which they personally disagree. But this temptation must be resisted, since the critics of judicial review, such as Jeremy Waldron, raise important issues about the role of judges in a democratic political system. In his recent book A Common Law Theory of Judicial Review, Wil Waluchow responds to the critics' arguments. This Critical Notice outlines his response and assesses its adequacy.


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