scholarly journals We did not see it coming: The unintended polarization induced by an institutional reform. The case of the Chilean Constitutional Tribunal

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jorge Fabrega ◽  
Javier Sajuria ◽  
Sammy Drobny

In the search for balance among their powers in the nomination of members of top-level courts, political actors can design rules that unintendedly introduce political polarization within the judiciary and judges’ reputational concerns can sustain it in the long run. Factoring on the impact of a reform in Chile introduced in 2005 that modifies its Constitutional Court and on the record of its member’s votes between 1990 and 2016, this study finds evidence of an increasing polarization within the Constitutional Court that was unseen during the design of its new rules. In developing countries, in which political institutions -including the judiciary- face lower levels of trust among the citizenry, an increasing level of polarization jeopardizes their survival in the long run. Sign of that process are already in motion in the Chilean case with respect to its Constitutional Court.

Modern Italy ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-76 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cristina Dallara

A distinguishing feature of the Berlusconi era has undoubtedly been his personal conflict with the judiciary. Therefore, this article explores the impact of Berlusconi's 20 years in politics on the Italian judicial system. The main argument developed in this analysis is that, thanks to a strong institutional framework built with the 1948 constitution, the Italian judiciary continued to guarantee an effective mechanism of checks and balances. In spite of reiterated attempts by the centre–right majority to modify judicial procedures and organisation to advantage Berlusconi in solving his judicial troubles (ad personam laws), the judiciary was, in the long run, successful in restraining these actions. In fact, several of the ad personam laws were abrogated by rulings of the Constitutional Court, or made substantially ineffective in the implementation stage. Moreover, no substantial reforms of the judicial system have been accomplished, although they were frequently announced. Nevertheless, it may be argued that Berlusconi's anti-judicial rhetoric has had a significant impact on public attitudes towards the judiciary, and contributed to exacerbating the polarisation between two opposite views of the justice system in Italy. The persistent anti-judicial message affected public opinion and was deeply incorporated by centre–right voters, creating a real cleavage on the issue of justice. Moreover, this huge conflict on the justice issue increasingly distracted the attention of political actors from the real organisational problems of the system of justice.


2021 ◽  
pp. 019251212110409
Author(s):  
Rainbow Murray ◽  
Ragnhild Muriaas ◽  
Vibeke Wang

Contesting elections is extremely expensive. The need for money excludes many prospective candidates, resulting in the over-representation of wealth within politics. The cost of contesting elections has been underestimated as a cause of women’s under-representation. Covering seven case studies in six papers, this special issue makes theoretical and empirical contributions to understanding how political financing is gendered. We look at the impact on candidates, arguing that the personal costs of running for office can be prohibitive, and that fundraising is harder for female challengers. We also explore the role of political parties, looking at when and how parties might introduce mitigating measures to support female candidates with the costs of running. We demonstrate how political institutions shape the cost of running for office, illustrate how this is gendered and consider the potential consequences of institutional reform. We also note how societal gender norms can have financial repercussions for women candidates.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-49
Author(s):  
Fatima Saleem ◽  
Fatima Farooq ◽  
Imran Sharif Chaudhry ◽  
Noreen Safdar

This study aims at exploring the impact of globalization, technology and employment on economic growth of developing economies. This study also observed the long-run, short-run and causality relationships between globalization, technological innovations, employment, and economic growth for 20 selected developing countries covering the data for period of 1991 to 2017.  Since stationary of variables is examined through ADF tests, Levin-Lin-Chu test, and IM-Pesaran-Shin test and resulted with mixed order of integration, Panel ARDL estimation techniques are employed to measure the long run effects of these variables on growth of selected economies. Dumitrescu-Hurlin panel Granger Causality test was applied for causality analysis. All variables have strong positive and significant relationship with growth. This study concluded that knowledge and research-based education have a key role in promoting long-run growth as evident from the ‘New growth theory’ of Romer. On the basis of these results, it is suggested that knowledge and research-based education should be promoted and export-oriented policies should also be encouraged to attain benefits of trade openness and globalization for accelerating economic growth on sustainable basis.


Author(s):  
Tariq Mahmood Ali ◽  
Adiqa Kausar Kiani ◽  
Tariq Bashir ◽  
Talah Numan Khan

Purpose: In this network age, among the other factors which increase economic growth, the R&D activities, a pivotal and effective factor, carried out by a country. The present study attempts to investigate the empirical R&D expenditure-economic growth nexus in developing and developed economies, and also provides useful insight about how R&D investment works to enhance the economic growth of a country. Design/Methodology/Approach: In this regard, 21 years data of top 100 economies of the world from 1995 to 2015 has been utilized. The Panel ARD Model approach has been preferred to explore the impact of R&D investment on economic growth (GDP). For construction of the estimation model, five different variables are used. In order to accomplish the results, along with analysing the data of 100 countries a whole, analysis has also been made by dividing countries into different categories and groups. Overall, the Panel ARDL test has been performed on nine different groups of countries. Findings: The results reveal that, ceteris paribus, there is a strong positive association between R&D expenditure and economic growth (GDP) in the long-run; 1% increase in GERD leads to 0.07% increase in GDP. However, the impact in the developing countries (0.043%) is lower compared to the developed OECD countries (0.27%). No impact of the R&D expenditure on economic growth is observed in the short-run. Implications/Originality/Value: The study presents some thought-provoking ideas, policy recommendations and implications for the policy makers, planners and researchers, especially in the context of developing economies.  


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (37) ◽  
pp. 155-167
Author(s):  
Elnur T. Mekhdiev ◽  
Zulfiya M. Bikmetova ◽  
Elvira N. Iamalova ◽  
Oksana N. Ignatieva ◽  
Aygul F. Samigullina

Today, the global financial system is inefficient in bridging the gap between the developed and developing countries. The dynamically developing countries, such as Asian states, are not satisfied with modern international financial institutions and are actively involved in regional integration, creating new international financial institutions. The newly formed financial institutions contribute to the formation of a different system of financial relations in Asia, which, in turn, is being transformed into the Asian financial system. These trends cannot avoid the impact of the global imbalances. The object of the article is to prove the efficiency of the Asian financial institutions in fighting global imbalances in the region. The major task of these institutions is not the substitution of the current global mechanisms, but their assistance and helping them in solving the global problems on the regional level. The major results include the proof that the developing economies in Asia are more consolidated and capable of conducting a single economic strategy in the long run and the proof of the higher efficiency of Asian financial institutions and their single geo-economic strategy in the long run; this suggests that a new Asian financial system is being built.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (4.) ◽  
pp. 101-118
Author(s):  
Szabolcs Pasztor

Despite the fact that currency devaluations are likely to have a negative effect on the economy in the long run, Ethiopia devalued its national currency, the birr (ETB), by 15 percent in 2017. They turned to this option in the hope of attracting more investments from abroad, decreasing import bills, improving the current account deficit and giving a boost to the exports of the coffee sector. A couple of months later, the impact seems to be promising because the export has been revived in some areas. However, it has to be stressed that the imported commodities may experience a price increase, there can be a widening balance of payments deficit and rising inflation. The paper aims to shed more light on the short- and long-term impacts of currency devaluations in the developing countries with a special emphasis on Ethiopia. Also, the recent Ethiopian measure is to be analyzed in greater detail highlighting the impacts on export earnings, import bills, the balance of payments, and on the overall competitiveness of the coffee sector.


Author(s):  
Mick Moore

This article explores the impact of taxation on politics and development, especially in developing countries. It begins by explaining the revenues and regimes paradigm, which is based on the notion that state revenue (sources, levels or needs) has a profound influence on politics and governance institutions. In particular, it examines whether and in what ways government revenues shape political institutions and patterns of governance. The article considers a number of critiques and concerns regarding the revenues and regimes paradigm and outlines alternative perspectives. It then asks why governments tax, how they collect taxes, and what determines levels of tax collection. The article concludes by analyzing whether tax-collection performance indicates “state capacity.”


1969 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 212-223 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph J. Stern

Developing countries generally are not only concerned with the level of their export earnings but also with the commodity and geographic composition of exports, and, to a lesser extent, of imports. Concern over a high degree of commo¬dity structure in exports is usually based on its presumed association with adverse price movements. A more diversified export commodity structure will reduce the impact on the overall level of foreign-exchange earnings from price fluctuations in any particular commodity. While concentration on a few commodities need not be identified with being a primary commodity exporter, for many developing countries a high degree of commodity concentration is often correlated with the exports of primary commodities [6 ; 9]. The familiar terms-of-trade argument, the belief that the relative price of primary commodity exports will fall, over the long run, as compared to the price of industrial goods imports, provides a second rationale for seeking a diversification in the composition of exports. Even in the short run the prices of most primary products in interna¬tional trade vary more sharply from year to year than those of most industrial products thus providing an additional incentive for decreasing commodity con¬centration [5].


2019 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 1007-1034 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeffrey M Chwieroth ◽  
Andrew Walter

The co-evolution of democratic politics and mass, financialized wealth has destabilized highly integrated financial systems and the socio-political underpinnings of neoliberal policy norms at domestic and global levels. Over the long run, it has increased the political pressure on governments to undertake bailouts during major banking crises and, by raising voters’ attentiveness to wealth losses and distributional inequities, has sharply raised the bar for government performance. The result has been more costly bailouts, greater political instability and the sustained politicization of wealth cleavages in crisis aftermaths. We underline the crucial importance and modernity of this phenomenon by showing how the high concentration of wealth in pre-1914 Britain and America among elites was associated with limited crisis interventions and surprisingly tranquil political aftermaths. By contrast, the 2007–2009 crises in both countries epitomise the political dilemmas facing elected governments in a new world of mass financialized wealth and the impact on political polarization and democratic politics. We show that these dilemmas were embryonic in the interwar period and highlight how the evolutionary forces shaping policy and political outcomes reveal the importance of time, context and the effects of long cycles in the world economy and global politics.


2015 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 153-184
Author(s):  
Gabriela MARTI

AbstractNot long after the establishment of its Constitutional Tribunal in February 2011, Myanmar faced a constitutional crisis, when on 6 September 2012, all nine judges of the Tribunal resigned, after the Burmese parliament (Hluttaw) had initiated impeachment proceedings against the Tribunal members. The incident was seen by several commentators as a sign of the growing strength and independence of theHluttaw, while others argued that the impeachment of the Tribunal could threaten future stability. In February 2013, nine new members of the Constitutional Tribunal were appointed. However, several questions surrounding the role of the Constitutional Tribunal in Myanmar’s reform process remain. In particular, it is not entirely clear how the independence and authority of the Tribunal should be further strengthened. This paper examines the role of Myanmar’s Constitutional Tribunal, against the background of the country’s history and current political situation. By drawing on the experiences of the Indonesian Constitutional Court (Mahkamah Konstitusi), the paper addresses the question of how the post-impeachment Tribunal may be able to fortify its position vis-à-vis the various political actors in the country.


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