scholarly journals The financialization of mass wealth, banking crises and politics over the long run

2019 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 1007-1034 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeffrey M Chwieroth ◽  
Andrew Walter

The co-evolution of democratic politics and mass, financialized wealth has destabilized highly integrated financial systems and the socio-political underpinnings of neoliberal policy norms at domestic and global levels. Over the long run, it has increased the political pressure on governments to undertake bailouts during major banking crises and, by raising voters’ attentiveness to wealth losses and distributional inequities, has sharply raised the bar for government performance. The result has been more costly bailouts, greater political instability and the sustained politicization of wealth cleavages in crisis aftermaths. We underline the crucial importance and modernity of this phenomenon by showing how the high concentration of wealth in pre-1914 Britain and America among elites was associated with limited crisis interventions and surprisingly tranquil political aftermaths. By contrast, the 2007–2009 crises in both countries epitomise the political dilemmas facing elected governments in a new world of mass financialized wealth and the impact on political polarization and democratic politics. We show that these dilemmas were embryonic in the interwar period and highlight how the evolutionary forces shaping policy and political outcomes reveal the importance of time, context and the effects of long cycles in the world economy and global politics.

Author(s):  
Wendy J. Schiller ◽  
Charles Stewart

This chapter integrates findings on indirect elections with current scholarship on the impact of the adoption of the Seventeenth Amendment and onset of direct elections. It constructs a comprehensive counterfactual analysis that helps demonstrate what the political outcomes would have been with direct elections in place since the founding, and in contrast, what Senate elections would look like after 1913 if indirect elections were still in place. It also addresses the question of whether U.S. senators represented states as units and responded to state governmental concerns more under the indirect system than they do under direct elections. It argues that indirect election had little impact on the Senate's overall partisan composition prior to 1913. Contrary to widespread belief, had direct election been in effect during the years immediately preceding the Seventeenth Amendment's passage, Republicans, not Democrats, would have benefited.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-35
Author(s):  
Sanja Badanjak

In many ways, the process of Europeanization has been running parallel to other processes, most prominently, that of globalization. While it appears that many of the changes, we see in the political landscapes of the member states can be attributed to the impact of the EU , it may also be the case that these are brought about by increased economic interdependence. The rise in popularity of niche parties and a hollowing out of alternatives with regard to economic policies are two of the most prominent effects that are found to be correlated with an increased participation in European integration. In this paper, I am assessing these claims against the alternative hypothesis, which places the causal power with globalization in general, rather than the integration specific to Europe. By employing matching techniques, I am providing a cleared picture of the dependence of the above mentioned domestic political outcomes on the parallel and often confounding processes of Europeanization and globalization.


2012 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 90-107 ◽  
Author(s):  
Grzegorz Ekiert ◽  
Daniel Ziblatt

In the twenty years since communism’s collapse, scholars of postcommmunist Central and Eastern Europe have increasingly converged on the insight that long-run continuities reaching back to the nineteenth century are crucial in shaping some of the most important contemporary macro- and micro-level political outcomes in the region. Today’s political cleavages, political discourses, patterns of partisan affiliation, institutional choice, and the quality of democracy itself all appear to correlate to a remarkable degree with patterns from the “deep past.” To date, social scientists, however, have not sufficiently reflected on what might explain this finding and how to study the impact of the general phenomenon of the long-run in the region. This article makes two contributions. First, we contend that in general, long-run continuities may ironically be more important in contexts of discontinuous institutional change such as in Central and Eastern Europe since frequent institutional disjunctures paradoxically open chasms between formal and informal institutions, preventing gradual change and producing patterns of institutional mimicry to cope with institutional ruptures. This insight may travel to other contexts of weak institutionalization. Second, we reject efforts to identify “deep causes” of contemporary outcomes without specifying how intervening events and crises intersect with these longer-run patterns. The article resuscitates Fernand Braudel’s notion of the longue duree to propose a new cumulative approach to the study of the long-run that complicates accounts that too starkly juxtapose precommunist and communist-era “legacies” on the present and argues that scholars should study how these periods reinforce each other and jointly determine contemporary outcomes.


Asian Survey ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 60 (6) ◽  
pp. 1044-1071
Author(s):  
Vineeta Yadav

Political families are common across many countries in Asia, including Pakistan. Politicians from political families (PPFs) make decisions with the goal of maximizing the political prospects of the entire family, in contrast to non-PPFs, who maximize their individual political self-interest. This changes the impact they have on their country. Scholars find that the presence of PPFs is associated with significantly worse development and governance outcomes, including in Pakistan. However, we know much less about their impact on political outcomes. In this paper, we use original data from a 2018 systematic national survey of about 150 Pakistani politicians to investigate PPFs’ support for key democratic institutions and practices. We find that compared to non-PPFs, Pakistani PPFs are significantly more supportive of instrumentally useful institutions and practices such as free and fair elections, an independent judiciary, and a free media, but no different in their low level of support for human rights.


2019 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 76-80
Author(s):  
Cosmin-Marius Grozav ◽  
Țuțu Pişleag ◽  
Aurelian Raţiu

Abstract We need a brief assessment of the international security environment in order to have a more realistic picture of the world we live in, having the perspective of threats, risks and vulnerabilities. The current and future security environment is characterized, among other things, by its complexity of actors, dynamism of threats as a result of the rethinking of the political-military postures of some states with military potential ore emerging states and non-state actors. In the foreseeable future, the security environment will continue to be influenced by multiple challenges, risks and threats, caused by the globalization phenomenon and political, economic, military and technological interdependencies which can provoke strategic surprises. The European area is in a continuous process of transformation with strategic implications. The systemic transformation will affect the European states and their adjacent regions visibly but distinctly, but the impact on European and Romanian security will be differentiated in the long run.


2020 ◽  
pp. 019251212093552
Author(s):  
Georgios Kyroglou ◽  
Matt Henn

Political consumerism refers to citizens’ use of boycotting and buycotting as they seek to influence political outcomes within the marketplace rather than through more traditional routes such as voting. However, given the pressure that neoliberalist forces exert on the marketplace, the lack of literature problematising the relationship between political consumerism and neoliberalism is somewhat surprising. Addressing this gap, we examine how neoliberalism impacts youth political consumerism in the UK and Greece. Focus-group findings suggest the existence of two inter-connected effects. Firstly, we detect a neoliberal ‘push effect’ away from electoral politics. Secondly, we discern a parallel ‘pull effect’ as young people seek the ‘political’ within the marketplace. In Greece, youth political consumerism seems to result primarily from distrust of institutional political actors. In contrast, young political consumers in the UK appear to be principally driven by confidence in the capacity of the market to respond to their pressing needs.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jorge Fabrega ◽  
Javier Sajuria ◽  
Sammy Drobny

In the search for balance among their powers in the nomination of members of top-level courts, political actors can design rules that unintendedly introduce political polarization within the judiciary and judges’ reputational concerns can sustain it in the long run. Factoring on the impact of a reform in Chile introduced in 2005 that modifies its Constitutional Court and on the record of its member’s votes between 1990 and 2016, this study finds evidence of an increasing polarization within the Constitutional Court that was unseen during the design of its new rules. In developing countries, in which political institutions -including the judiciary- face lower levels of trust among the citizenry, an increasing level of polarization jeopardizes their survival in the long run. Sign of that process are already in motion in the Chilean case with respect to its Constitutional Court.


Author(s):  
Jiyoung Han ◽  
Marco Yzer

Abstract. Although there is growing evidence that partisans believe they are further apart than they actually are, the causes and consequences of this misperception are not always clear. Informed by the literature on news framing and self-categorization theory, we hypothesize that the media’s focus on partisan conflict increases partisans’ perceptions of public polarization, which fuels partisan attitude polarization on disputed issues in news coverage. Study 1 supports this contention in the political domain. By retesting the hypotheses in a gender context, Study 2 further demonstrates that the impact of conflict news framing on attitude polarization is not simply due to preexisting political polarization. The implications of the present study are discussed in light of its generalizability to varying political systems.


Author(s):  
Daniel Naurin ◽  
Christine Reh

This chapter addresses three questions: What is deliberative negotiation? How can deliberative negotiation be achieved? What does deliberative negotiation do? First, deliberative negotiation is a communication process that contributes to reaching binding decisions in democratic politics, and is characterized by justification, mutual respect, and the absence of coercion. Second, three sets of conditions—related to 1) formal institutions, 2) social context, 3) issue characteristics—conduce “deliberative moments” in a negotiation. The chapter illustrates how these conditions work, with a focus on EU negotiations. Third, we explore the impact of deliberative negotiation on delivering outcomes tout court (e.g. by offering solutions to the negotiators’ dilemma) and on producing “better” outcomes (e.g. by increasing the likelihood of overall preference satisfaction). The chapter concludes that both the process and outcome of deliberative negotiation can instil legitimacy even when other aspects of a negotiation (or of the political system itself) struggle to do so.


2015 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 414-428 ◽  
Author(s):  
DAVID HELD

This article examines the impact of the growth of multilateral and transnational governance on sovereignty and the diffusion of political authority. It begins by exploring the legacy of World War II and the building of the UN system. The rise of intergovernmentalism and transnational governance arrangements is examined followed by an assessment of some of the leading changes in the postwar global politics landscape. These issues are explored in greater depth across two cases: security and the environment. The article then examines a set of trends which can be characterized as a gridlock in leading institutions, and highlights the political uncertainty ahead at the global level.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document