scholarly journals Madrasah Education System And Terrorism: Reality And Misconception

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 83
Author(s):  
Mohd Izzat Amsyar Mohd Arif ◽  
Nur Hartini Abdul Rahman ◽  
Hisham Hanapi
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Southeast Asia ◽  
Education System ◽  
September 11 ◽  
Terrorist Attacks ◽  
Al Qaeda ◽  
Religious Schools ◽  
East Central ◽  
Educational Infrastructure ◽  
Islamic Schools

Since the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001, the Islamic schools known as madrasah havebeen of increasing interest to analysts and to officials involved in formulating U.S. foreign policytoward the Middle East, Central, and Southeast Asia. Madrasah drew added attention when itbecame known that several Taliban leaders and Al-Qaeda members had developed radicalpolitical views at madrasah in Pakistan, some of which allegedly were built and partially financedthrough Saudi Arabian sources. These revelations have led to accusations that madrasah promoteIslamic extremism and militancy, and are a recruiting ground for terrorism. Others maintain thatmost of these religious schools have been blamed unfairly for fostering anti-U.S. sentiments andargue that madrasah play an important role in countries where millions of Muslims live in povertyand the educational infrastructure is in decay. This paper aims to study a misconception of therole and functions of Islamic traditional religious schools which have been linked with theactivities of terrorism. The study will be specifically focus on practice of the traditional Islamicschool, which is locally called as ‘madrasah system’.

US Dealings with Iran, 1979–1980

2021 ◽  
pp. 143-166
Author(s):  
Payam Ghalehdar
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Empirical Analysis ◽  
Regime Change ◽  
The United States ◽  
September 11 ◽  
Terrorist Attacks ◽  
British Military ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Cold War

This chapter serves as an introduction to the second part of the book’s empirical analysis by sketching the evolution of US attitudes toward the Middle East. It shows how the United States relied on the British military to safeguard US interests in the region until the end of the 1960s and then on regional proxies after the British military withdrawal from the region. Even after the end of the Cold War, successive US administrations eschewed hegemonic expectations toward the region until the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. The chapter concludes by briefly illustrating how the lack of both hegemonic pretensions and perceptions of anti-American hatred in Saddam Hussein’s invasion of Kuwait foreclosed US regime change in the 1991 Gulf War.

Imagining Terror in an Era of Globalization: U.S. Foreign Policy and the Construction of Terrorism after 9/11

2009 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 579-590 ◽  
Author(s):  
Catherine V. Scott
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
September 11 ◽  
First Century ◽  
Virtual Network ◽  
Terrorist Attacks ◽  
Al Qaeda ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Ways Of Thinking ◽  
Twenty First Century ◽  
The U.S

Many analyses of U.S. foreign policy after September 11 have rested upon readings of the U.S. as a traditional imperialist power. In so doing, the constructions of Al Qaeda as a decentralized corporation and a virtual network are often ignored. Corporate and network constructions place less stress on conventional threats to the nation-state and instead portray terrorism in distinctively post-Fordist terms. This in turn helps explain the short-lived and partial patriotic responses to the terrorist attacks, as well as the contradictory place of race in portrayals of the threat facing the U.S. Together these discourses point to new ways of thinking about U.S. nationalism and terrorism in the twenty-first century.

Twenty-First-Century Torture

2021 ◽  
pp. 125-158
Author(s):  
William L. d'Ambruoso
Keyword(s):  
Bush Administration ◽  
September 11 ◽  
First Century ◽  
Terrorist Attacks ◽  
Al Qaeda ◽  
Legal Counsel ◽  
Geneva Conventions ◽  
Twenty First Century ◽  
Enhanced Interrogation ◽  
The Military

Immediately following the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks, members of the George W. Bush administration signaled that current rules regarding intelligence, detention, and interrogation were too confining. With approval from the Justice Department’s Office of Legal Counsel (OLC), the president declared that the Geneva Conventions’ detention and interrogation guidelines would not apply to Al Qaeda and Taliban detainees. The problem with Geneva, administration lawyers argued, was that it would tie interrogators’ hands. The CIA and the military wanted an explicit legal blessing for their interrogation programs. They got it in the form of a series of memos by the OLC and military lawyers, who defined torture in exceedingly narrow terms. The result was “enhanced interrogation,” which the administration claimed did not amount to torture but was still a sufficiently “tough” program to break hardened terrorists.

You Say You Want a Reformation? Parsing the Ubiquitous Rhetoric of an “Islamic Reformation”

2010 ◽  
Vol 4 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 37-73
Author(s):  
Paul R. Powers
Keyword(s):  
Present Article ◽  
Political Change ◽  
September 11 ◽  
Terrorist Attacks ◽  
Protestant Reformation ◽  
Islamic World ◽  
History Of

The ideas of an “Islamic Reformation” and a “Muslim Luther” have been much discussed, especially since the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. This “Reformation” rhetoric, however, displays little consistency, encompassing moderate, liberalizing trends as well as their putative opposite, Islamist “fundamentalism.” The rhetoric and the diverse phenomena to which it refers have provoked both enthusiastic endorsement and vigorous rejection. After briefly surveying the history of “Islamic Reformation” rhetoric, the present article argues for a four-part typology to account for most recent instances of such rhetoric. The analysis reveals that few who employ the terminology of an “Islamic Reformation” consider the specific details of its implicit analogy to the Protestant Reformation, but rather use this language to add emotional weight to various prescriptive agendas. However, some examples demonstrate the potential power of the analogy to illuminate important aspects of religious, social, and political change in the modern Islamic world.

The Language of New Terrorism: Differences in Psychological Dimensions of Communication in Dabiq and Inspire

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matteo Vergani ◽  
Ana-Maria Bliuc
Keyword(s):  
Experimental Study ◽  
English Language ◽  
Terrorist Attacks ◽  
Al Qaeda ◽  
Positive Attitudes ◽  
Terrorist Groups ◽  
The Usa ◽  
Psychological Dimensions ◽  
New Terrorism

We investigate differences in the psychological aspects underpinning Western mobilisation of two terrorist groups by analysing their English-language propaganda. Based on a computerized analysis of the language used in two English-language online magazines circulated by ISIS and al-Qaeda (i.e., Dabiq and Inspire), we found significant differences in their language - the ISIS’ language being higher in authoritarianism and its level of religiousness. In a follow-up experimental study, we found that being high in religiousness and authoritarianism predicts more positive attitudes towards the language used by ISIS, but not towards the language used by al-Qaeda. The results suggest that ISIS’ propaganda may be more effective in mobilising individuals who are more authoritarian and more focused on religion than that of al-Qaeda. These findings are consistent with the behaviour observed in recent homegrown terrorist attacks in the USA and Europe.

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