scholarly journals Nigeria-Cameroon Border Demarcation at a Glance and Lessons Learned for Nepal

2017 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 33-36
Author(s):  
Prabhakar Sharma
Keyword(s):  
Best Practices ◽  
United Nations ◽  
Financial Support ◽  
Pilot Project ◽  
Lessons Learned ◽  
The Political ◽  
Security Threats ◽  
Boko Haram ◽  
Political Will ◽  
Nigerian Government

The border demarcation between two countries usually takes place after wars or serious conflicts. Nigeria, which has the largest army in Africa, showed that it had a big heart when it reached an agreement with Cameroon as per the 2002 ICJ judgment without waging a war with its much smaller neighbor Cameroon. Although many Nigerians feel that Cameroon has gained a lot more than Nigeria, especially when Nigeria decided to hand over sovereignty of the 1000 sq-km oil-rich Bakassi peninsula to Cameroon, the Nigerian government is eager to make a closure of the boundary demarcation as per the 152-page ICJ judgment.Ever since the demarcation activity started with a pilot project in 2005, many field missions have taken place with the mediation/facilitation of the United Nations, which has provided logistical and partial financial support and has brought in experts from all over the world.The field demarcation along the land, river and ocean boundaries between Nigeria and Cameroon has mostly been completed, except for the final mapping and emplacement of boundary pillars along some sections of the border which are inaccessible or are marked ‘disagreement areas’. There are some serious security threats posed by Boko Haram in the disagreement areas in the north.The best practices used in the Nigeria-Cameroon border demarcation are outlined below. Nepal could take some valuable lessons from the demarcation methods used by these two countries and maintain the political will to carry on the border demarcation works which can be technically and physically challenging and politically complex.Nepalese Journal on Geoinformatics, Vol. 14, 2015, Page: 33-36

scholarly journals Nigerian Refugees in Cameroon: Understanding the Politics of Voluntary Refugee Repatriation

2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 290
Author(s):  
Ugo Igariwey Iduma ◽  
Musa Yahi Musa
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
Political Interest ◽  
The Political ◽  
Boko Haram ◽  
North East ◽  
The North ◽  
Nigerian Government ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
National Emergency

The paper observes that the inability of the Nigerian government to defeat Boko Haram has created a stream of problems for Cameroon as the paper identifies some Boko Haram activities in Cameroon is prompting a premature repatriation of Nigerian refugees by the Cameroonian government. According to the National Emergency Agency reports in 2015 the Cameroonian government forcefully repatriated 3.500 Nigerian refugees, the report added that the refugees were not informed of their return and were transported like animals, and dropped at home in cruel conditions. The United Nations High Commission for Refugees (2004) explains that the premature repatriation of Nigerian refugee is a violation of the principle of non-refoulement as the condition in the North East is not conducive for the repatriation of Nigerian refugees. Thus, a tripartite agreement was reached between Nigeria, Cameroon, and UNHCR to ensure the safety and legality of the return of Nigerian refugees. The paper investigates the efforts of the Nigerian government towards the proper repatriation and reintegration of the refugees in safety and dignity. Using secondary data, the paper concluded that repatriation of the Nigerian refugees intended to address the humanitarian needs of the refugees is rather serving the political interest of various actor. The paper recommends a sustainable reintegration framework be established for the returnees. 

Evolving Trends in Peacekeeping: United Nations–African Union Hybrid Peacekeeping Operations (UNAMID) in Darfur

2021 ◽  
pp. 14-25
Author(s):  
Waseem Ishaque
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
State Institution ◽  
Pilot Project ◽  
The State ◽  
Security Threats ◽  
African Union ◽  
Peacekeeping Operations ◽  
Sustainable Peace ◽  
Intrastate Conflicts ◽  
Positive Peace

Peacekeeping has become a far more complex and multifaceted phenomenon due to the emerging non-traditional security threats and the changing nature of intrastate conflicts. This paper focuses on the evolving trends in peacekeeping operations and illuminates the transition from 'traditional‘ to a 'robust‘ and 'hybrid‘ peacekeeping model. In doing so, the paper presents the hybrid United Nations and African Union (UN-AU) peacekeeping model as a pilot project in Darfur. It further highlights the extent to which the model proved to be effective and inclusive, and secured financial and troop-contributing obligations jointly by the UN and AU. Furthermore, understanding the dialectics of 'traditional‘ and 'hybrid‘ peacekeeping operations has been analyzed through positive peace. Overall, the article highlights the essential contours of United Nations–African Union Mission in Darfur (UNAMID) transition from AMIS and inquires its contribution towards peacebuilding and developing the state institution, thus ensuring sustainable peace and stability.

The United States in the United Nations

1973 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chadwick F. Alger
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
United Nations ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
International Peace ◽  
Political Will ◽  
Political Consequences ◽  
Peace And Security ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The United Nations

Reports on the United Nations by three United States groups, the Commission to Study the Organization of Peace, the President's Commission, and the United Nations Association of the USA, are summarized and compared. They reveal informed concern about United States participation in the UN at a time when Congress and the executive exhibit negativism and neglect. Conclusions are drawn on (1) differing priorities for the UN system and their interdependence, (2) the special capabilities of the United States for setting examples, (3) alternative models for UN problem solving, (4) United States contributions to the UN, and (5) generating political will for creative United States involvement in the UN. Concern is expressed about efforts to cut United States assessments for UN budgets and failure of the reports to adequately consider the political consequences of the fact that “maintenance of international peace and security” is not considered the most important UN task by all members. If congressional and executive neglect are to be overcome, public participation and involvement must be extended.

scholarly journals Factor interaction in prevention of torture Reflections based on Carver and Handley’s research (with Comment by the authors of the book and Response by the author of the paper)

2018 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Hans Draminsky Petersen
Keyword(s):  
Best Practices ◽  
International Standards ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Will ◽  
Preventive Actions ◽  
Key Factor ◽  
Efficiency Factors ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Factor Interaction

Summary“Does torture prevention work?” is a very comprehensive book based on commendably profound research in 16 countries. It contains a wealth of very important results concerning the relationship between a multitude of factors in the prevention and occurrence of torture. However, the results described may be interpreted in a manner different to how it was done in the book. The intention of this paper is to draw attention to some challenges in the research design and to give a broader view of the complexity of torture prevention. The book: The authors have identified a host of preventive factors, organised them in clusters (detention law and practice; prosecution (of torturers) law and practice; complaint law and practice; and, monitoring law and practice), and scored them according to whether they fulfil international standards. A torture score comprising frequency, geographical spread and severity of torture was constructed (CHATS). Ill-treatment was excluded. Correlations between preventive factors, clusters and CHATS were calculated. However, the interrelationship between various factors and clusters was not analysed. The main findings included that detention practice had the strongest (negative) correlation to torture and that the torture scoring, pooled for all countries, declined during the study period (1985-2014). Comment: For several reasons, distinguishing ‘more severe torture’ from ‘torture’ is problematic. Excluding illtreatment in the research is also problematic because the border between the two may be blurred and difficult to interpret and it may be manipulated by authorities, leading to falsely low torture incidence. The pooling of data of diverse quality may hide outstanding prevention results. Identification and implementation of best practices is recommended. Preventive means implemented with low quality may give legitimacy to practices in torturing detentions. The quality of preventive actions is key to efficiency. Factors and clusters of preventive means interact in synergy making each other fully effective. A new model for torture prevention is proposed, which emphasises that all preventive means interact together with transparency, lack of corruption and reprisals, forming the practices in detention where torture takes place. The political will to prevent torture is a key factor.

Racing Against the Tide? A Critique of Nigeria’s Quest for the Membership of the United Nations Security Council

2021 ◽  
pp. 097492842110272
Author(s):  
Sunday Omotuyi
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
Security Council ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
United Nations Security Council ◽  
Boko Haram ◽  
Peacekeeping Operations ◽  
Track Record ◽  
Nigerian Government ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
Legitimacy Crisis

The recent vigorous campaign by Nigerian government for a permanent membership of the United Nations Security Council is, like previous attempts, hinged on the country’s ‘track record’ in peacekeeping operations. However, in recent years, particularly since the uprising of the Boko Haram terrorist group, it appears that Nigeria’s commitment to this role has diminished considerably in its foreign policy priorities. This article, against this background, makes three arguments: First, it argues that Nigeria’s reluctance to keep faith with its peacekeeping mission is undermining the critical platform under which the quest for the seat is based. Second, notwithstanding the possession of the realist’s attributes of a regional leader, Nigeria’s poor image and dearth of soft power has created legitimacy crisis for it among regional states and beyond as none of its traditional allies in the Security Council has thrown its weight behind its bid. Finally, the study shows that the preponderance number of Nigerians does not subscribe to Nigeria’s bid in view of the security and socio-economic crises battling the country. Rather than dissipating energy on the quest, such effort should be channelled towards addressing the myriad domestic challenges threatening human security in the country.

Nonviolent Politics for Disarmament

1980 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 287-305
Author(s):  
Glenn D. Paige
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
General Assembly ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Welfare ◽  
Special Session ◽  
Political Will ◽  
World Community ◽  
United Nations General ◽  
United Nations General Assembly ◽  
Global War

Nonviolent politics can form the basis for achieving a disarmed peaceful world. The major motivating forces for nonviolent politics lie in the universal need for: physical security, economic welfare, and renewed morality. Only in a truly nonviolent world can these needs be met. Nonviolent politics can take the forms of three basic political modes: conservative, reformist, and revolutionary. Each has implications for the type of nonviolent policies which should be pursued. One immediate, concrete policy would be to insist that all governments and violent subnational forces make practical plans to implement the disarmament goals set out by the First Special Session on Disarmament of the United Nations General Assembly. The development of the political will to engage in nonviolent politics, to disarm the global war system and to create a humane peaceful world community will necessarily give rise to the appropriate national means toward achieving these desired ends.

Infrastructure to improve together: Fostering palliative care (PC) and quality improvement (QI) learning in oncology through a virtual learning collaborative (VLC).

2014 ◽  
Vol 32 (31_suppl) ◽  
pp. 20-20
Author(s):  
Arif Kamal ◽  
Ann Alexis Prestrud ◽  
Katherine Ast ◽  
Julie Bruno ◽  
Molly Gavigan ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Palliative Care ◽  
Quality Improvement ◽  
Best Practices ◽  
Needs Assessment ◽  
Virtual Learning ◽  
Pilot Project ◽  
Lessons Learned ◽  
Learning Collaborative ◽  
Services Research ◽  
Learning Platform

20 Background: PC and oncology teams can most effectively improve patient experience during cancer when the specialties improve care processes together through collaborative QI activities. To support collaboration ASCO, the American Academy of Hospice and Palliative Medicine, and Duke University developed a partnership to pilot the ASCO VLC. This pilot will develop and test a scalable model for quality improvement and dissemination of best practices, focused on improving palliative care in oncology. Methods: The ASCO VLC integrates lessons learned through the Breakthrough Series, ASCO Quality Training Program, and others. An Advisory Committee representing expertise in medical oncology, palliative care, geriatrics, nursing, social work, survivorship, health services research, and quality improvement oversees the pilot project. Content in the VLC website was refined based on feedback gathered through a needs assessment survey of pilot participants. Results: The online collaborative and learning platform went live in June 2014. The site houses live and recorded educational sessions covering PC and QI topics, includes discussion boards to foster interactions between practices, supports sharing of tools and resources, and allows practices to submit their problems and aims statements, and results of their work for peer review and feedback. 24 practices were recruited to participate; 73% from community/private practice sites. In response to the needs assessment, 85% of participants responded with a high sense of comfort with PC; yet, only 33% had similar comfort with QI. When asked to rank their top preference, respondents were most interested in learning about pain and symptom management (44%), or advance care planning (22%). Ongoing mixed qualitative and quantitative assessments through Spring 2015 will assess feasibility and acceptability of the ASCO VLC model. Conclusions: We are creating an online virtual learning collaborative as a sustainable infrastructure to support and foster clinician education and dissemination of PC best practices in oncology.

Adapting Tactical Military Structures to the Current and Future Operational Environments

2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 157-162
Author(s):  
Paul Tudorache ◽  
Lucian Ispas
Keyword(s):  
Best Practices ◽  
Lessons Learned ◽  
Organizational Adaptation ◽  
Common Denominator ◽  
Military Operations ◽  
The Future ◽  
Military Units

AbstractUsing the lessons learned from recent military operations such as Operation Inherent Resolve (OIR) from Syria and Iraq, we proposed to investigate the need for tactical military units to adapt operationally to grapple with the most common requirements specific to current operational environments, but also for those that can be foreseen in the future. In this regard, by identifying the best practices in the field that can be met at the level of some important armies, such as USA and UK, we will try to determine a common denominator of most important principles whose application may facilitate both operational and organizational adaptation necessary for tactical military units to perform missions and tasks in the most unknown future operational environments.

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