scholarly journals Analysis of Communication Networks among Political Elites in the Formation of Party Coalitions

2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 95
Author(s):  
Intan Ferazia ◽  
Prayudi Prayudi ◽  
Subhan Afifi

The multi-party system and the limitations of the presidential threshold adopted by Indonesian democracy have encouraged political parties to coalesce with each other. This study aims to analyze communication networks and the special role of political elites in the formation of party coalitions in the 2019 Presidential Election in Indonesia. This research method adopts a communication network analysis to identify the structure of the communication network between political elites and the roles they play in relation to the formation of party coalitions for the 2019 Presidential Election. The findings indicated that the formation of party coalitions was not only due to the ideological similarities. It was also based on the existence of political profit and loss considerations in a coalition, both in targeting positions and targeting support to win the Presidential Election. Further, the experience of political actors in building relations also played an important role. The contribution of this research is in the form of recommendations for new methods of communication networks.

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 15
Author(s):  
Chiara Fiorelli

Contemporary democracies face a trend toward the diffusion of the representational void left by under- legitimized political parties (Mair 2013). The essential functions of traditional political parties to organize and articulate political conflict and societal interests have been challenged both from the inside of the party system, by the emergence of populist habits of newcomers, and from the outside, by the progressive erosion of old political culture and corresponding increasing of hostility feeling. Intermediaries organizations of political and economic interests usually push their demands toward political actors in order to shape policy choices. What can happen when the traditional party system suffers from de- legitimation? In this paper, I will try to understand the level of concern of interest organizations toward the progressive detachment of civil society from political actors, in order to define if the risk of a void of representation is perceived as real and contingent. Thanks to a new original European dataset (the Comparative Interest Groups Survey), the analysis shows that different types of interest groups perceive the void to be real and with a possible impact on their activities and their own survival. As expected, in the regression model, differences emerge between countries with a traditional strong interests’ system and countries where groups activities are usually barely regulated. The results support the idea that the distance between civil society and political representatives should be considered a prominent focus of contemporary social and political investigation in order to understand the challenge for democratic life and the possible strategy of reaction.


Author(s):  
Melis G. Laebens

This chapter first describes the main features of contemporary party organizations in Turkey, focusing on five salient topics: a) leaders’ control over parties, b) political patronage and clientelism, c) the organization of mass participation, d) profiles of political elites, and e) party financing. The discussion highlights variation across parties due to different ideologies and organizational legacies. Two questions that motivate many studies of Turkey’s parties are then discussed in greater depth: Why are party leaders so dominant in party organizations? What are the consequences for democracy of leaders’ extensive control over the organizations? The chapter highlights the role of the 1980 military intervention in aggravating leadership domination in centrist parties, and argues that leadership domination contributed to the party system crisis of the late 1990s, as well as to the recent breakdown of democracy. Currently, the authoritarian and presidential institutional framework creates a new environment for political parties and may cause historically unprecedented transformations in party organizations, both positive and negative.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 15
Author(s):  
Chiara Fiorelli

Contemporary democracies face a trend toward the diffusion of the representational void left by under- legitimized political parties (Mair 2013). The essential functions of traditional political parties to organize and articulate political conflict and societal interests have been challenged both from the inside of the party system, by the emergence of populist habits of newcomers, and from the outside, by the progressive erosion of old political culture and corresponding increasing of hostility feeling. Intermediaries organizations of political and economic interests usually push their demands toward political actors in order to shape policy choices. What can happen when the traditional party system suffers from de- legitimation? In this paper, I will try to understand the level of concern of interest organizations toward the progressive detachment of civil society from political actors, in order to define if the risk of a void of representation is perceived as real and contingent. Thanks to a new original European dataset (the Comparative Interest Groups Survey), the analysis shows that different types of interest groups perceive the void to be real and with a possible impact on their activities and their own survival. As expected, in the regression model, differences emerge between countries with a traditional strong interests’ system and countries where groups activities are usually barely regulated. The results support the idea that the distance between civil society and political representatives should be considered a prominent focus of contemporary social and political investigation in order to understand the challenge for democratic life and the possible strategy of reaction.


2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 500-526 ◽  
Author(s):  
Enrico Biale ◽  
Valeria Ottonelli

From within a “systemic approach” to deliberative democracy, political parties can be seen as crucial actors in facilitating deliberation, by playing epistemic, motivational, and justificatory functions that are central to the deliberative ideal. However, we point out that if we assume a purely outcome-oriented conception of the role of parties within a deliberative system, we risk losing sight of a central tenet of deliberative democracy and of its distinctive principle of legitimacy, namely, that citizens must be able to exercise critical reflection on the grounds of democratic decisions. We argue that parties have a special responsibility in making a deliberative system meet this requirement, and that such special role can be fulfilled only if parties’ programs, values, and strategies are shaped through intra-party deliberation. On the grounds of this discussion, we define a model of intra-party deliberation that is based on the principles of mutual acceptability, pluralism, and publicity.


2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-87
Author(s):  
Nina Gorenc

The research behind this paper is set in the context of the 2016 US presidential election that has come to symbolize the post-truth era. We conducted a literature review on the 2016 election, with the aim to better understand the impact of computational propaganda on the election outcome and on the behaviour of voters. The paper opens with a definition of post-truth society and related concepts such as fake news and computational propaganda. It explores the changes of political communication in a digital environment and analyses the role of social media in the 2016 election. It probes into phenomena such as the trivialization of politics and the loss of credibility of political actors, which are both common in post-truth societies. The reviewed literature seems to indicate that social media have become strong actors on the political stage, but so far not the predominant source of political information and influence on the behaviour of voters. The paper makes two important contributions. Firstly, drawing on the concept of post-truth society, it analyses the role of computational propaganda in the 2016 presidential election, and secondly, it attempts to explain the paradox of general political apathy on one hand, and increased political activism on the other. These are some of the challenges we are now facing, and in order to be able to cope with them it is important to acknowledge and understand them.


Politics ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 172-180
Author(s):  
Carlos E. Casillas ◽  
Alejandro Mújica

Mexico's 2000 presidential election was one of the most important political events in the nation's contemporary history. The victory of the National Action Party (PAN) and Vicente Fox, the first ‘non-official’ candidate ever to win a Mexican presidential election, surprised both local and world observers. This article comprises four parts. Part I very briefly places the election in historical perspective. In Part II, each of the three front-runners in the contest is profiled. Part III includes a systematic analysis of the general election results by constituencies or other territorial units, and features tabulated data. Part IV addresses the development of political parties and the party system before and after the elections.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 169
Author(s):  
Nurhadi Nurhadi ◽  
Sunarso Sunarso

This article aims to discuss the role of kiai in building voter participation. The method used is a qualitative approach. Data collection using observation, interviews, and observations. Analysis uses an interactive model. The results of the study show that scholars have 3 (three) roles in politics, namely as political political patrons, political elites, and political mediators. Kiai as political patrons become a reference in making political choices. Kiai are active political elites in the management of political parties and mass mobilization. Kiai as political mediators mediate in political conflicts. 


Author(s):  
Adfin Rochmad Baidhowah

Most political literature argues that outcomes in Indonesian constitutional reform 1999-2002 were determined mainly by the political actors. Notwithstanding the existing research providing insightful evidence, there is still a gap in which those literature discount the role of the party system in shaping and constraining the way the political actors within a party behave. Drawing on one of the new institutionalism concepts – ‘rational choice institutionalism' – the argument puts forth here is that Indonesian multi-party system (independent variable) forced the political parties (intermediary variable) to form a winning-coalition which finally produced a compromised outcome (dependent variable) of constitutional reform on the articles about relations between president and legislature.


2018 ◽  
pp. 16-22
Author(s):  
Nataliya Khoma

The process of the formation of the party system of Cyprus was considered. The period from colonial to 1981 is covered. The factors that influenced the evolution of the parties of Cyprus, in particular the internal conflict, were underlined. Emphasizes the importance of the ethnic component of the population of Cyprus. The attention was paid to the role of the Orthodox Church in shaping the political system of Cyprus. The article analyzes the norms of the Constitution of the Republic of Cyprus (1960) concerning political parties, in which the focus was on the parliamentary aspect of party activity. The role of Archbishop Makarios III, the first president of Cyprus, for the further evolution of the party system in the 1960–70s was revealed. Presented chronology of the appearance of the main parties of Cyprus and their participation in elections and coalitions. The article emphasizes that after the accession of Cyprus to the EU in 2004, the party system of the state is experiencing the trend of the newest European tendencies on the national party palette: the level of people’s confidence in the parties is decreasing, the party identity is blurred, the voter turnout is gradually decreasing, new types of parties are emerging, Radicalization is notable and so on. The party system of Cyprus is special, even if only within the EU there is a pro-communist party (Progressive Party of the Labor People of Cyprus), represented in the European Parliament, among the leading political forces. It was emphasized that the political parties of Cyprus until 1974 were purely electoral mechanisms. The new stage of development began with the stabilization of the post-colonial political system of Cyprus. At this time, the church lost its past influence, and the majoritarian electoral system alienated itself. This led to a new stage in the development of the party system in the late 1970s. It is noted that the determining factor was the transition to a proportional electoral system and the introduction of mandatory participation of voters in the vote. It was emphasized that these legislative innovations became important factors in the development of the modern party system of Cyprus. Since that time, the Cypriot parties have become more independent and united in the coalition.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
Ananda Rezky Wibowo

The results showed that the absence of female candidates who passed the legislative body in North Luwu Regency showed that the implementation of the policy affirmative action of the 30 percent quota of women's representation was not optimal, even though voter behavior was no longer significant in questioning gender issues in politics. This is due to the dominance of male political elites which still have a big influence because the voting community still sees the existence of these political elites. In addition, it is due to the failure of political parties to regenerate and build political commitment to women. Although in the 2014-2019 period there were two female representatives in the legislative body of North Luwu Regency, in the 2019-2023 elections they were not re-elected because they no longer had a network of power and kinship. The most crucial factor is that money politics is still a compromise tool in the electoral process, political actors play a role in money politics, so this makes no female candidates elected because of their inability to compete with the flow of money politics even though they have incurred political costs. which is not the least. Voters will choose a certain candidate if he feels there is a reciprocal that will be accepted as well as political candidates who are afraid of losing their votes, this irrational act (playing money politics) becomes the last resort.


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