Intra-party Deliberation and Reflexive Control within a Deliberative System

2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 500-526 ◽  
Author(s):  
Enrico Biale ◽  
Valeria Ottonelli

From within a “systemic approach” to deliberative democracy, political parties can be seen as crucial actors in facilitating deliberation, by playing epistemic, motivational, and justificatory functions that are central to the deliberative ideal. However, we point out that if we assume a purely outcome-oriented conception of the role of parties within a deliberative system, we risk losing sight of a central tenet of deliberative democracy and of its distinctive principle of legitimacy, namely, that citizens must be able to exercise critical reflection on the grounds of democratic decisions. We argue that parties have a special responsibility in making a deliberative system meet this requirement, and that such special role can be fulfilled only if parties’ programs, values, and strategies are shaped through intra-party deliberation. On the grounds of this discussion, we define a model of intra-party deliberation that is based on the principles of mutual acceptability, pluralism, and publicity.

2021 ◽  
pp. 147787852110171
Author(s):  
Kei Nishiyama

While the discussion on education for deliberative democracy is increasingly gaining prominence, there is a deep gap between the theories of deliberative democracy and democratic education with respect to what deliberative democracy is and ought to be. As a result, theories and practices of democratic education tend to be grounded in a narrow understanding of the meaning of deliberative competencies, students’ deliberative agency, and the role of schools in deliberative democracy. Drawing on the latest theorization of deliberative democracy – deliberative system theory – this article aims to question and revise these assumptions. The article suggests that meta-deliberation is a key practice that can reconcile the gap between the two theories.


Author(s):  
Andrea Felicetti

This article advances one of the most important debates in recent scholarship on democratic theory: the one on deliberative systems. In the wake of the systemic turn deliberative scholars agree that not all components of a deliberative system can or even need to be deliberative. However, there is little clarity about the role of non-deliberative politics in a system and to what extent these are justifiable while we seek a more deliberative society. In this paper I first illustrate the main ideas of the systemic turn, explore the distinction between ‘deliberative’ and ‘non-deliberative’ politics and investigate the main arguments justifying non-deliberative politics. Then, I build upon these arguments to shed new light on the relationship between deliberative and non-deliberative politics. I identify three distinctive actors in deliberative systems (political institutions, empowered agents, and public space actors). Finally, I argue that deliberative democrats should adopt three different approaches (intensive, moderate, and free) in order to assess whether the use of non-deliberative politics by each of these actors is legitimate.


2020 ◽  
pp. 009059172096859
Author(s):  
Brian Milstein

This essay explores the problem of legitimation crises in deliberative systems. For some time now, theorists of deliberative democracy have started to embrace a “systemic approach.” But if deliberative democracy is to be understood in the context of a system of multiple moving parts, then we must confront the possibility that that system’s dynamics may admit of breakdowns, contradictions, and tendencies toward crisis. Yet such crisis potentials remain largely unexplored in deliberative theory. The present article works toward rectifying this lacuna, using the 2016 Brexit and Trump votes as examples of a particular kind of “legitimation crisis” that results in a sequence of failures in the deliberative system. Drawing on recent work of Rainer Forst, I identify this particular kind of legitimation crisis as a “justification crisis.”


2021 ◽  
pp. 29-46
Author(s):  
Tetiana Bevz

Ethnic mosaicism of Ukraine and the ethnonational factor are the phenomena that affect all spheres of the society. The ethnic factor has a special role in the emergence of contradictions in polyethnic states. On the one hand, “ethnicity is a form of social organization of cultural differences” (F. Bart), and on the other, ethnicity is instrumental and can be used as a means to achieve political goals (A. Cohen). Ethnicity has been and is a political resource that has been played out by political players for centuries. An important political phenomenon of our time is politicized ethnicity. The article analyzes some factors of politicization of ethnicity. The factors of politicization of ethnicity were: dissemination of unreliable information about the radical demands of territorial autonomy on behalf of “national minorities”; the destructive role of politicians who positioned themselves as lobbyists for the interests of national minorities; ethnic entrepreneurship, ethnic political parties; presence of dual citizenship, fake news, false information, and more. It is proved that certain factors of politicization of ethnicity pose a threat to the national security of the country.It is determined that ethnic identity is an effective tool for both consolidation and deconsolidation of ethnic groups and has its own political subjectivity. It is proved that in the process of decentralization, representatives of all ethnonational communities perceive each other well, and conflicts on ethnic grounds do not arise. However, due to people's low awareness of the peculiarities and prospects of the local government reform, politicians, especially local ones, are playing the “ethnic card” in their own interests.


Politics ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 026339572096029
Author(s):  
Nicole Curato

The field of deliberative democracy has long recognised the role of interruptive protests to make polities more sensitive to good reasons. But how exactly interruptive protests enhance deliberative systems remain an open question. ‘Non-deliberative acts may have deliberative consequences’ is a crucial line of argument in the deliberative systems literature, but the precise character of these consequences is yet to be spelled out. In this article, I describe three ways in which consequences of interruptive protests enhance the deliberative system. I argue that interruptive protests can redistribute (1) voice and visibility, (2) attention, and (3) deliberative agency which, in turn, can lay bare the weaknesses of a dysfunctional deliberative system. The arguments I put forward are based on interpretive case studies focusing on protest movements in the Philippines and Puerto Rico in the aftermath of record-breaking hurricanes. Overall, this paper seeks to clarify the relationship between deliberative politics and protest action, by identifying the distinctive contributions of interruptive protests in redistributing power in dysfunctional deliberative systems.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 46-50
Author(s):  
Petr N. Kobets ◽  

The relevance of this issue is due to the fact that the events that began in the new Millennium in the global anti-corruption movement have further highlighted the important role of the fight against corruption in the business sector. A special role in combating corruption in the sphere at the global level is assigned to the Group of twenty — G20. In the course of the research, the author came to the conclusion that, quite positively, the functioning of the business sphere was affected by the adoption in November 12, 2010 in the city of In Seoul, the leaders of the G20 “Anti-corruption action Plan”, which for the first time openly called for a closer public-private partnership in the fight against corruption. Today, the G20 is a group of key countries with developed and emerging market economies. As major trading powers, the G20 has a special responsibility to prevent and combat corruption, create a legal and policy framework that promotes a clean business environment, and continue to assist countries in their efforts to build capacity to fight corruption. Today, the G20 sets a good example for many countries, international associations, and groups to fight corruption in business.


2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 95
Author(s):  
Intan Ferazia ◽  
Prayudi Prayudi ◽  
Subhan Afifi

The multi-party system and the limitations of the presidential threshold adopted by Indonesian democracy have encouraged political parties to coalesce with each other. This study aims to analyze communication networks and the special role of political elites in the formation of party coalitions in the 2019 Presidential Election in Indonesia. This research method adopts a communication network analysis to identify the structure of the communication network between political elites and the roles they play in relation to the formation of party coalitions for the 2019 Presidential Election. The findings indicated that the formation of party coalitions was not only due to the ideological similarities. It was also based on the existence of political profit and loss considerations in a coalition, both in targeting positions and targeting support to win the Presidential Election. Further, the experience of political actors in building relations also played an important role. The contribution of this research is in the form of recommendations for new methods of communication networks.


2013 ◽  
pp. 143-155
Author(s):  
A. Klepach ◽  
G. Kuranov

The role of the prominent Soviet economist, academician A. Anchishkin (1933—1987), whose 80th birth anniversary we celebrate this year, in the development of ideas and formation of economic forecasting in the country at the time when the directive planning acted as a leading tool of economic management is explored in the article. Besides, Anchishkin’s special role is noted in developing a comprehensive program of scientific and technical progress, an information basis for working out long-term forecasts of the country’s development, moreover, his contribution to the creation of long-term forecasting methodology and improvement of the statistical basis for economic analysis and economic planning. The authors show that social and economic forecasting in the period after 1991, which has undertaken a number of functions of economic planning, has largely relied on further development of Anchishkin’s ideas, at the same time responding to new challenges for the Russian economy development during its entry into the world economic system.


2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 54
Author(s):  
А. И. Кольба ◽  
Н. В. Кольба

The article describes the structural characteristics of the urban communities of the city of Krasnodar and the related features that impact their participation in urban conflicts. This issue is considered in a number of scientific publications, but there is a need to expand the empirical base of such studies. On the base of expert interviews conducted with both city activists, their counterparty (representatives of the municipal government) and external observers (journalists), the parameters of urban communities functioning in the process of their interaction with other conflict actors are revealed. The communities characteristics such as the predominantly territorial principle of formation, the overlap of online and offline communications in their activities, the presence of a “core” with a relatively low number of permanent participants and others are determined. Their activities are dominated by neighborly and civilian models of participation in conflicts. The possibilities of realizing one’s own interests through political interactions (participation in elections, the activities of representative bodies of power, political parties) are not yet sufficiently understood. Urban communities, as a rule, operate within the framework of conventional forms of participation in solving urgent problems, although in some cases it is possible to use confrontational methods, in particular, protest ones. In this regard, the most often used compromise, with the desire for cooperation, a strategy of behavior in interaction with opponents. The limited activating role of conflicts in the activities of communities has been established. The weak manifestation of the civil and especially political component in their activities determines the preservation of a low level of political subjectivity. This factor restrains the growth of urban communities resources and the possibility of applying competitive strategies in interaction with city government and business.


2018 ◽  
Vol 28 (7) ◽  
pp. 2543-2548
Author(s):  
Petya Kasnakova

The games play a special role in rehabilitation practice. The positive emotions they cause in patients cannot be achieved by other methods and means of modern rehabilitation. The role of game playing activity in practice is crucial to the achievement of one of the important tasks in implementing rehabilitation measures, namely to evacuate the patient from the depressed mental state, to distract him from the disease process and to focus on mobilizing his healing powers. The mood, the emotional charge and the dynamics that the games create are particularly suited to awakening the patient's interest in the healing process, their attraction and their active involvement in the rehabilitation activities. The connection between the actions in the game and the movements in the analytical exercises accelerates the formation of motor habits, physical qualities and skills not only in children but also in adult patients with various pathological injuries. Rehabilitation games are suitable for all ages by enhancing the health of the occupants, developing their mental qualities, improving the activity of the vestibular, visual and motor analyzers. The basis of the motor movement training game methodology and the improvement of motor movement skills is the activation of the thought processes and emotional experiences, the development of the functions of the musculoskeletal system, the cardiovascular system and the respiratory system.


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