Government measures and moral books for the political upheaval of 1728 - Focusing on the publication of Samgang Haengsildo, Yirun Haengsildo, Gyeongminpyeon -

2021 ◽  
Vol 76 ◽  
pp. 75-116
Author(s):  
Ho Hun Jeong
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Political Upheaval

Algerian feminism and the political upheaval of 1990s

2011 ◽  
Vol null (15) ◽  
pp. 215-253
Author(s):  
Seo-Kyoung No
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Political Upheaval

scholarly journals Local Wisdom and National Integration in Indonesia: A Case Study of Inter-Religious Harmony amid Social and Political Upheaval in Bunga Bondar, South Tapanuli

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 30
Author(s):  
Rosmaida Sinaga ◽  
Flores Tanjung ◽  
Yuri Nasution
Keyword(s):  
Local Level ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Changes ◽  
Religious Groups ◽  
National Integration ◽  
Local Leadership ◽  
Political Upheaval ◽  
Colonial Government ◽  
Dutch Colonial

This study emphasizes on inter-religious affairs happened in Bunga Bondar, South Tapanuli began to experience turmoil when thenational movement era started in 1908 and itstillhappens to present-day. The Dutch colonial government advocated for inter-religiousharmony at a local level. The policy was pursued by the the Dutch colonial government out offear that the Indonesian people would developa sense of unity and fraternityamong them, thereby intensifying thespirit of nationalism. The Dutch government’s concern eventuallycame true when the power of the Christian wingof the national movement cooperated with itsIslamic counterpart. Along with the political upheavalsand social changes experienced by the Indonesian people, the harmony between religious groups in various regions was affected. Despite migration, changes of central and local leadership, and the flow of modernization that took place, the dynamics of inter-religious harmony of the 1930s are still present today.The tradition, the spirit of harmony, leadership models, and the application of local wisdom are all the key to the survival of inter-religious harmony in Bunga Bondar, South Tapanuli, as findings in research that can be used as a guide or model to build national integrity.

scholarly journals Militarising Mumbai? The ‘Politics’ of Response.

2017 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 477-498
Author(s):  
Rhys Machold
Keyword(s):  
Turning Point ◽  
Terrorist Attacks ◽  
The Political ◽  
Policy Response ◽  
Political Upheaval ◽  
Urban Security ◽  
Major Turning Point ◽  
Indian Cities

Abstract This article focuses on how urban security has been governed in Mumbai in the aftermath of the 2008 terrorist attacks (26/11). The event was widely cited as a major turning point in the securitisation and militarisation of Indian cities. It also produced significant political upheaval, which in turn generated calls for a major institutional overhaul of the governmental architecture for handling terrorism. This article takes the political and policy repercussions of 26/11 as an intervention into critical debates about the (para-)militarisation of policing and the politics of urban security. Here I shift the focus from the disciplinary and divisive effects of policies towards an emphasis on their spectacular and theatrical dimensions. If we are to make sense of the ‘militarised’ focus of the policy response to 26/11, I argue, we need to take seriously its populist, aspirational qualities.

An Appeal to the People: Politeness Strategies in the Malaysian Prime Minister’s Maiden Speech

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Nadia Anuar ◽  
Nurizah Md Ngadiran
Keyword(s):  
Political Discourse ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Document Analysis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Speech ◽  
Political Upheaval ◽  
Global Pandemic ◽  
The People ◽  
Politeness Strategies

The use of politeness strategies has received increasing attention in the political discourse as a powerful persuasion tool. These strategies became critical for the newly appointed prime minister of Malaysia, Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin, to convince Malaysians that he is qualified to lead the country during a political upheaval and global pandemic. Thus, the objectives of this paper are to identify the types and frequency of the politeness strategies used by Muhyiddin Yassin in his maiden speech as the eighth prime minister of Malaysia. Two categories of politeness strategies based on Brown and Levinson’s (1987) were examined, which are negative strategies and positive strategies. The speech text was obtained from the official website of Prime Minister’s Office and was translated to English for analysis. The translated speech was subsequently checked for validity. Document analysis was used to analyse the translated speech text to determine the types and frequency of the politeness strategies. The analysis revealed that positive politeness strategies were significantly used (88%) compared to negative politeness strategies (12%). The most dominantly used positive politeness strategy was “notice and attend to the receiver’s need, interest, or want” while “use of exaggeration”, “seek agreement”, and “avoid disagreement” were the least used strategy. In contrast, “question” and “giving deference” were identified to be the most frequently used negative politeness strategy. The present study extends our knowledge on the use of politeness strategies in a political speech in an Asian setting, which is notably lacking in the literature.

Mass pressures, elite responses—roots of democratization: the case of the GDR

1992 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 305-324 ◽  
Author(s):  
Detlef Pollack
Keyword(s):  
Political Science ◽  
Rapid Change ◽  
Authoritarian Regimes ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Political Upheaval ◽  
Historical Processes ◽  
The Social ◽  
Transition Research ◽  
Agency And Structure

The article tries to explain the social and political upheaval in the former GDR by using a theoretical model worked out by Pierre Bourdieu. Transition research within political science focuses mainly on the functional prerequisites necessary to liberalize and democratize authoritarian regimes. Bourdieu’s model, however, also accounts for the historical events, the political actors and their actions, and the social and political mechanisms through which a rapid change can be realized. By applying this approach on the system’s change in the GDR it is not only possible to determine the structural and functional conditions of the upheaval, but also to describe the concrete historical processes of how the upheaval took place. The approach used here is an attempt to mediate between ‘agency’ and ‘structure’ and thus to integrate historical argumentation into the theoretical framework provided by political science and sociology.

Congolese political upheaval will fuel unrest

2017 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Violence ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Mass Graves ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Security Environment ◽  
Political Upheaval ◽  
International Attention ◽  
Conducting Research ◽  
Mining Regions

Significance The Council’s decision came as a fragile political agreement struck at the new year unravels, with security deteriorating in several parts of the country. The spike in unrest drew international attention when the UN confirmed that two experts conducting research on mass graves in Kasai were found slain after being abducted with their Congolese colleagues just days before the Council’s vote. Impacts The United States appears indifferent to the UN mission and may play a limited role if turmoil escalates. Opposition splits could limit the salience of political violence while further fragmenting the security environment. Unrest related to the political standoff is currently not affecting the main mining regions. Chances for holding credible, inclusive and legitimate elections this year appear remote.

scholarly journals Lucy Hutchinson and Margaret Cavendish: Civil War and Enemy Commiseration

Humanities ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 43
Author(s):  
Yousef Deikna
Keyword(s):  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Human Life ◽  
British History ◽  
Margaret Cavendish ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Upheaval ◽  
Victorian Period ◽  
Lucy Hutchinson ◽  
Difficult Times

Lucy Hutchinson (1620–1681) and Margaret Cavendish (1623–1673), prolific writers from the seventeenth century, came of age in one of the most difficult times in British history. Blair Worden, an eminent historian, writes, “The political upheaval of the mid-seventeenth century has no parallel in English history,” and none of the previous conflicts “has been so far-reaching, or has disrupted so many lives for so long, or has so imprinted itself on the nation’s memory” (2009, p. 1). Hutchinson and her husband, John, were on the side of the parliamentarians in the Civil War while Cavendish and her husband, William, were stout royalists. Instead of showing aggressive stances against their enemies, Hutchinson and Cavendish engaged expansively in a language of empathizing with the enemy in order to lessen the extreme partisanship of that period. Focusing specifically on Hutchinson’s Memoirs of the Life of Colonel John Hutchinson, and Cavendish’s Sociable Letters, among other writings, I argue that during the political impasse which characterized the English Civil War writings, the perspectives advanced by Hutchinson and Cavendish highlight the valuation of human life regardless of political allegiance, augmenting the odds for peaceful co-existence, in which empathy is foregrounded over, and at times alongside, loss and agony as a result of the Civil War aftermath. Suzanne Keen’s groundbreaking research in Empathy and The Novel draws upon examples from the Victorian period to illustrate her understanding of empathy, but she also states that “I feel sure they also pertain to the hopes of authors in earlier periods as well” (2007, p. 142), which is a position taken wholeheartedly in this article. Using a cognitive literary approach where authorial empathic constructions are analyzed, Hutchinson’s and Cavendish’s closely read texts portray an undeniable level of commiseration with the enemy with the goal of abating violence and increasing cooperation and understanding.

Politics in a Fallen Empire: Kishi Nobusuke and the Making of the Conservative Hegemony in Japan

2020 ◽  
pp. 161-184
Author(s):  
Andrew Levidis
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Political History ◽  
Liberal Democratic Party ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
The Political ◽  
Mass Mobilization ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Conservative Government ◽  
Political Upheaval ◽  
Political Divide

The creation of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) in November 1955 remains one of the most significant moments in modern Japanese political history. The political stability inaugurated in 1955, followed by more than seventy years of unbroken conservative government, have inured us to the striking persistence and durability of conservative ideas, institutions, and men across the political divide of 1945. This chapter examines Kishi Nobusuke’s role in the reconstruction of political order in 1955 and the vehicle of conservative hegemony – the Liberal Democratic party. In so doing it recasts the so-called 1955 system in the longue durée of Japanese political history. As post-imperial elites sought to restore familiar forms of government, their efforts intertwined with the memory of political upheaval between world wars. Layered into conservative efforts to reconceptualize their politics and organize postwar society in the 1950s were the ingrained traditions of 1930s and 1940s– anti-communism, national cohesion, mass mobilization, national harmony - which proved surprisingly translatable to notions of democracy, modernization, and Cold War state-building.

Die baden-württembergische Landtagswahl vom 14. März 2021: Grüne festigen Position vor CDU

2021 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 500-519
Author(s):  
Ulrich Eith ◽  
Thomas Waldvogel
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Climate Protection ◽  
The South ◽  
Large Cities ◽  
Political Upheaval ◽  
Percentage Points ◽  
South West ◽  
Election Victory

In the state elections on March 14, 2021 in Baden-Württemberg, the Greens, with Prime Minister Winfried Kretschmann, were again able to assert themselves as the strongest party after their narrow election victory in 2016 . They widened the gap to the CDU to over 8 percentage points . A central cause of this election victory were Kretschmann’s consistently high levels of competence and sympathy, even during the pandemic . The Green’s success solidifies the political upheaval that has been observed in the south-west for over a decade now . 58 of 70 constituencies went to the Greens in 2021 . The party that was once success­ful only in large cities is now also ahead of the CDU in constituencies with a low popula­tion density . The CDU lost above average among the younger generation, the Greens recorded above average profits among people over 60 years . Despite resistance in his own party, Kretschmann once again formed a green-black government . The coalition partners’ goal is to make Baden-Württemberg the number one climate protection state . Greater criti­cism was sparked by the creation of a new ministry and the appointment of 14 state secre­taries .

Trials by Fire

2013 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 238-279
Author(s):  
Sarah Osten
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Federal Government ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Class ◽  
Gubernatorial Elections ◽  
Political Upheaval ◽  
Political Consolidation ◽  
Revolutionary Party ◽  
Revolutionary Period

Across Mexico in the early 1920s, gubernatorial elections chronically failed, and the steps that the federal government took to resolve these crises often provoked further political upheaval. This pattern of electoral failure and the controversies it inspired are testimony to the prevailing uncertainty within the political class as to where the boundaries of power truly lay in post-revolutionary Mexico. This comparison of two failed gubernatorial elections reveals the significance of state politics to national political consolidation, and the formative role of political parties in the immediate post-revolutionary period, preceding the founding of the National Revolutionary Party (PNR) in 1929. A principios de la década de 1920 las elecciones gubernativas fracasaron en todo México de manera crónica, y los pasos que tomó el gobierno federal para resolver estas crisis provocaron a menudo una mayor agitación política. Este patrón de fracaso electoral y las controversias que suscitó son testimonio de la incertidumbre prevaleciente entre la clase política en cuanto a dónde estaban verdaderamente los límites del poder en el México posrevolucionario. La comparación de dos elecciones gubernativas fallidas revela la importancia de la policía estatal en la consolidación política nacional, y el papel formativo de los partidos políticos en el periodo inmediato posrevolucionario, previo a la fundación del Partido Nacional Revolucionario (PNR) en 1929.

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