Muzyczne przygody gustu ludowego. O społecznym funkcjonowaniu polskiej muzyki popularnej po 1956 r.

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mirosław Pęczak

The author discusses the problem of the so-called low circulation of contemporary Polish popular music (music released on flexi discs, wedding music, a broad range of amateur music production, football chants, amateur rock music). He analyses music tastes of the Polish working class and the social functioning of genres and styles of music, characteristic of these tastes, reflecting on the crucial moments in cultural policy and the most important turning points in history: “Polish thaw” in 1956, the consequences of the 1968 events, the indigenous model of mass culture in the 1970s, the situation after the martial law and the transformation of the political system in 1989.

Author(s):  
Henrik P. Bang

Habermas is widely criticized for adumbrating an essentialist, deliberative, and consensual approach to democracy that neglects the significance and importance of contingency, conflict, and emotions in the struggle for hegemony and collective identification. However, his conception of system and lifeworld raise the claim that no society could exist without providing for a minimal degree of political cooperation between professional actors in the political system and spontaneously acting laypeople in the social lifeworld. Contingency, conflict, and emotions are obviously at play in this political conception of how to ground system and lifeworld in mutual relations of power, knowledge, trust, and respect. The goal is not to reach a stable consensus or succumb to conflict and chaos but to avoid that system becomes uncoupled from lifeworld, thus undermining the reciprocal connection between political authorities and laypeople required to make and implement authoritative decisions which are ‘for', ‘of', ‘with', and ‘by' ‘the people'.


1973 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 332-353 ◽  
Author(s):  
Léon Dion

THE DIVERSIFICATION IN THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC ORGANIZATION AND the growth of the political system have increased the number of instances of decision-making and intensified the relations between social and political forces. Parties and pressure groups are not enough in themselves to channel the interests, ideologies, and stresses, originating in the social system, into the political system. Nevertheless, during the last forty years, other, less familiar channels have broadened considerably and of these it is what we call the consultative councils which have made the greatest impact. So much has their importance grown in recent years that they must be considered as a mechanism of systemic interaction, comparable in weight to those of the pressure groups or parties. The consultative councils have, in fact, become a major cog in the political system and any attempt to exclude them is doomed to failure.


2019 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 107-126
Author(s):  
Jian Xiao ◽  
Shuwen Qu

This article presents a study on the punk phenomenon in China, with a focus on how the punk musicians create new spaces within music production and performances. More importantly, it will examine how these spaces and acts of performance engage with political structures in contemporary China. By analyzing the impact that the political and economic changes of recent decades have had on the nature of Chinese society and culture, the article will first set out to understand the social context in which the punk phenomenon emerged and developed in China. Drawing on interviews with Chinese punk musicians, a discussion of the politics of place will show how a Chinese punk band has challenged a dominated space by performing in the Tiananmen Square. Informed by Attali’s theoretical discussion on “noise”, the next focus will be on an exploration of the process of power negotiation in performing punk music and seeking punk authenticity through non-conforming practices at government/institution-sponsored events. Overall, it is argued that punk performance can carve out a space for alternative political aspirations through interaction with authoritative figures (e.g. in resisting the existing powers), thus challenging state power and institutional oppression in China.


2014 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 99-113 ◽  
Author(s):  
Florian Vauleon

Purpose – The aim of this paper is to focus on Rousseau's three major works: the epistolary novel Julia. Or, The New Eloisa, one of the eighteenth century's best sellers, the political essay The Social Contract, and the pedagogical treatise Emile: or On Education. It seeks to explore the innovative management theories Rousseau develops as he embarks in the simultaneous composition of these three major works, particularly as he conceptualizes his ideal society and envisions a brand new political system, one that would take into account the natural state of humankind in order to socialize them more efficiently. Design/methodology/approach – The paper explores Rousseau's solution to these obstacles, and examines his understanding of censorship, as well as the surreptitious control of people's values, tastes, and aspirations. His vision of humanity is very similar to that of “a machine to be put together by skillful devices”, assuming “that the materials of which it is composed are colorless and lifeless”. Findings – The conclusions reached in this paper hinge upon, in significant part, Rousseau's approach to management science, and the individual's subjection to authority, as well as the overarching necessity for any form of power to be imperceptible. Originality/value – The paper shows that in Rousseau's mind, people are mere pawns on the political chessboard, “to be arranged by the fancy of the legislator.”


1979 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 331-349 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian L. D. Forbes

In recent times the historiography of the Wilhelmine Reich has clearly reflected the influence of Eckart Kehr and of later historians who have adopted and developed his work. The Rankean dogma of the Primat der Aussenpolitik (primacy of foreign policy) has been replaced by a new slogan, Primat der Innenpolitik (primacy of domestic policy). The resultant interpretive scheme is by now quite familiar. The social structure of the Bismarckean Reich, it is said, was shaken to its foundations by the impact of industrialization. A growing class of industrialists sought to break the power of the feudal agrarian class, and a rapidly developing proletariat threatened to upset the status quo. The internecine struggle between industrialists and agrarians was dangerous for both and for the state, since the final beneficiary might be the proletariat. Consequently agrarians and industrialists closed their ranks against the common social democrat enemy and sought to tame the proletariat, which had grown restive under the impact of the depression, by means of a Weltpolitik which would obviate the effects of the depression, heal the economy, and vindicate the political system responsible for such impressive achievements. Hans-Ulrich Wehler and others call this diversionary strategy against the proletarian threat social imperialism; and this, it is said, is the domestic policy primarily responsible for Wilhelmine imperialism.


Forum+ ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 4-14
Author(s):  
Hanka Otte ◽  
Pascal Gielen

Abstract In dit artikel belichten Hanka Otte en Pascal Gielen het onderscheid tussen gemeenschapskunst en gemene kunst, beter bekend als community art en commoning art. Hun stelling is dat gemeenschapskunst, zoals sociaal-artistieke projecten, deels gesubsidieerd worden omdat ze de maatschappelijke status quo bevestigen. Gemene kunst zet daarentegen niet alleen in op het sociale, maar ook op het politieke, en valt daarom vaak tussen de mazen van het vigerende cultuurbeleid. Dat beleid vermijdt volgens de auteurs het politieke, doordat het kunst enkel van publieke waarde acht wanneer het door zoveel mogelijk individuen wordt geconsumeerd. De persoonlijke smaak of persoonlijke werking van kunst staat voorop in het cultuurbeleid, waardoor er wordt voorbijgegaan aan de mogelijkheden die kunst aan een gemeenschap biedt. De auteurs pleiten daarom voor een gemeen cultuurbeleid dat enkel kaders geeft en artistieke ontwikkelingen autonoom hun gang laat gaan. In this article, Hanka Otte and Pascal Gielen examine the difference between community art and commoning art. They argue that community art, like social art, is subsidised in part because it reinforces the societal status quo. Because commoning art, by contrast, not only commits itself to the social, but to the political as well, it tends to fall between the cracks of the current cultural policy. According to Otte and Gielen, this policy turns a blind eye on politics, presuming that only art that is consumed by as many individuals as possible is of any public value. Our cultural policy puts personal taste or art's personal effect centre stage, thus ignoring the many things art has to offer the community. Hence the author's plea for a commoning cultural policy that provides only a framework and that lets artists develop autonomously.


Slavic Review ◽  
1966 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 303-313 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. J. von Lazar

This article examines the relationship between the semantics of ideology and political practice under the pressure of socio-economic change in Hungary of the early 1960s, especially 1962-63. The events of 1956 forced the Communist Party elite to recognize the imperative need for internal social change and for control over its dynamics. Manipulation of social forces and ideological currents became a day-to-day concern as soon as it was realized that the political system must rely to an increasing extent upon the introduction of policies which induced support for the system itself—a need undoubtedly arising out of the social transformation that accompanies a developing and modernizing industrial society.


1958 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 76-99 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lawrence Krader

During the first millenium A.D. a series of states were formed by Turkic and Mongol peoples, the nomadic pastoralists of the Asian steppes - the Tatars of European and Chinese record. These political enterprises enlarged their scope and power during the period of a millenium, reaching a climax in the empire of Chingis Khan in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries; from this climactic achievement they have since declined. The social and political organization as well as the economy of these peoples are at once simple and complex, primitive and advanced. The characterization of this cultural world has been given focus in a sharp controversy, the controversy over the establishment and internal ordering of the political system.


Author(s):  
О.Д. Попова

В статье анализируется новое издание книги «О вкусной и здоровой пище» как источник по социальной истории. Кулинарный рецепт и практика его представления отражает особенности эпохи и времени. Проведенный анализ показал, что кулинарные книги в СССР испытывали влияние политической системы и обладали пропагандистскими функциями. Современное издание выявляет социальные трансформации, произошедшие в обществе. This article is about a new edition of «The Book of delicious and healthy food». The author shows that the culinary recipe and the practice of its presentation reflect the peculiarities of the era and time. The USSR cookbooks are shown to be influenced by the political system and to serve as propaganda. The modern edition demonstrates the social transformations that have taken place in society.


2020 ◽  
pp. 73-86
Author(s):  
Marcin Rachwał

The article addresses the issue of voter turnout at the national level in Poland in 1990–2019. In particular, the author focused on 2019, when the turnout in parliamentary elections was the highest throughout the period under analysis. The aim of the study is to determine the reasons for this increase in the electoral activity of Polish citizens. The analysis leads to the conclusion that after the Law and Justice party took power in 2015, significant modifications of the social system, including the political system, ensued, thereby altering selected features of the electoral situation and raising the level of political emotions. The outcome involved a significant increase in voter turnout in 2019, when the elections to the European Parliament, as well as to the Polish parliament (the Sejm and Senate) were held. The study employs the following methods: analysis and criticism of literature (sources), the systemic method, and statistical methods.


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