scholarly journals Batalla de frames en la campaña electoral de abril de 2019. Engagement y promoción de mensajes de los partidos políticos en Facebook

Author(s):  
Carlos A. Ballesteros-Herencia ◽  
Salvador Gómez-García

Framing processes are one of the preferred objects of study in the area of Communication, despite the frequent criticism regarding their theoretical and methodological strength. This study follows the proposal of Matthes and Kohring (2008) of the detection of frames through statistical analysis of clusters that operationalize the components as defined by Entman (2003) using framing elements. This is applied to the study of the electoral campaign on Facebook of the main Spanish political parties in the election of 28 April 2019. All messages published on this social network during the 15 days of the electoral campaign were captured automatically. The use of four large frames by the parties was detected, corresponding to events and political questions, request for vote, the rival party, and media treatment. The parties used these frames to different degrees: from the institutional and positive campaign of the PSOE, to the campaign aimed at criticizing the ruling party of the main opposition party, the PP, through the inclination towards media treatment of Unidas Podemos, or a focus on their own events and proposals by Ciudadanos and Vox. A negative correlation was detected between the frames most used by the political formations as a whole and the level of user engagement on Facebook, although the use of frames by PSOE and Unidas Podemos showed a greater parallelism with the levels of interaction in this social network. Resumen Los procesos de enmarcado, encuadre o framing son uno de los objetos de estudio preferentes en el área de Comunicación, a pesar de las frecuentes y reputadas críticas sobre su solidez teórica y metodológica. En esta investigación se sigue la propuesta de Matthes y Kohring (2008) para la detección de frames mediante análisis estadístico de conglomerados que operacionaliza en elementos de enmarcado los componentes de la definición de Entman (1993). Se aplica al estudio de la campaña electoral que hicieron los principales partidos políticos españoles a través de Facebook en la convocatoria del 28 de abril de 2019. Se capturaron automatizadamente todos los mensajes publicados en esta red social en los quince días de campaña electoral, detectándose el uso de cuatro grandes frames por parte de los partidos: marco de eventos y cuestiones políticas, marco de petición de voto, marco del partido rival y marco del tratamiento mediático. Los partidos utilizaron en diferente medida estos marcos: desde la campaña institucional y en positivo del PSOE; a la campaña volcada en criticar al partido gobernante del principal partido de la oposición, el PP; pasando por la inclinación hacia el tratamiento mediático de Unidas Podemos, o a centrarse en sus propios actos y propuestas de Ciudadanos y Vox. Se detectó una correlación negativa entre los frames más empleados por las formaciones políticas en su conjunto y el nivel de engagement en Facebook, si bien la utilización concreta de los marcos por parte del PSOE y Unidas Podemos sí mostró cierto paralelismo con los niveles de interacción en esta red social.

First Monday ◽  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Javier Bustos Díaz ◽  
Francisco Javier Ruiz del Olmo ◽  
Miguel Nazario Moreno Velasco

The regional elections in Catalonia held on 21 December 2017 received wide media coverage, far beyond Spanish media, due to separatist tension in that territory and was one of the main topics in most of the world’s media. Within this process social networks, especially Twitter, obtained crucial relevance given the interest aroused by the political leaders’ publications, since in those elections the debate transcended the usual ideological divisions of right and left and became a struggle between constitutionalists and separatists. This paper analyses the presence and influence of the main candidates of the Catalan political parties on Twitter. To achieve this, a mainly quantitative, mixed methodology based on big data was carried out where all the tweets issued by the candidates during the electoral campaign were analysed.


Subject Ruling party struggles. Significance The Dominican Republic is enjoying strong economic growth but faces rising political uncertainty. Divisions within the ruling Dominican Liberation Party (PLD) over the Law of Political Parties and candidates for the 2020 presidential election have dominated debates in recent months. On June 7, after more than a year of investigations into the Odebrecht scandal, the Attorney General indicted seven politicians for bribery while controversially exonerating key PLD leaders. Impacts Internationally controversial anti-migration policies are unlikely to soften as political factions vie for public support. The Dominican Republic will remain one of the fastest-growing economies in the region despite political uncertainties. The country’s investment-friendly environment is unlikely to be at risk even during the electoral campaign.


Author(s):  
Laura Cervi ◽  
Carles Marín-Lladó

TikTok, already widely used before the pandemic, boomed during the quarantine that locked down large parts of the world, reaching 2 billion downloads and 800 million monthly active users worldwide by the end of 2020. Of these 800 million users, 41% are aged between 16 and 24 years. This social network, widely known for its entertainment videos, is increasingly becoming a place for political discussion and therefore a unique opportunity for political actors to (re)connect with young people. Acknowledging that the political uses of TikTok are still understudied, this paper aims to explore whether and how Spanish political parties are including TikTok as part of their communication strategy. Through an affordance-centered content analysis of all the posts published by the five most important Spanish political parties (PP, PSOE, Ciudadanos, Podemos, and Vox), the current results show that, although all Spanish political parties have adopted this platform, their usage is unequal. From a quantitative perspective, PP was the first party to open a TikTok account, but its usage has been discontinuous; Podemos and Ciudadanos are the parties that publish the most and most constantly, while Vox has only published nine posts and the PSOE one. Nonetheless, from a qualitative perspective, Podemos and Vox generate more engagement and seem to understand and exploit TikTok’s specific affordances better. The findings allow it to be concluded that, although globally Spanish political parties do not fully exploit the platform’s affordances and tend to use it as a unilateral tool for promotion, the most engaging posts are those favoring interaction and geared toward politainment.


Author(s):  
Humberto Nogueira Alcalá

This article focuses on the constitutional and legal regulation of political parties in Chile, especially from de point of view of the political representation in a democratic system. It also focuses on the actual reform process of the electoral system and the political parties funding in this country.Este trabajo analiza la regulación constitucional y legal de los partidos políticos en Chile, especialmente desde la perspectiva de la representación política que éstos hacen posible en un Estado democrático. El artículo analiza, además, las modificaciones que actualmente se están discutiendo en este país, relativas al sistema electoral y a la financiación de los partidos políticos.


2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 44-66
Author(s):  
Joseph Hanlon

Excessive secrecy has always compromised the integrity of Mozambique’s elections. The National Elections Commission secretly changes results with no records kept nor any public notice that changes have been made. The official final results of the 2019 elections were changed three times by the Constitutional Council with no comment and identical document numbers. The political parties want a politicised electoral machine with party nominees to all electoral bodies, and integrity has steadily declined. By 2018-9 elections had become dominated by the ruling party, Frelimo, which was able to openly change the outcome of municipal elections and create 329 430 ghost voters in the national elections. Civil society observers had become an important check on elections; but in 2019, independent observation was blocked in several provinces and the head of civil society observation in one province was assassinated by a police hit squad. The judiciary, which ordered a rerun in one town in the 2013 municipal elections, has become politicised and will no longer intervene. This paper is an empirical account of those events.


Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 227-244
Author(s):  
Jaak Billiet

This study evaluates the impact of new voters and deceased voters in the statistical analysis of shifts in voting behaviour from one election to another.  Conclusions about the shifts between the political parties from one election to another are ajfected by the fact that at the time of the analyzed election, the population of the former election bas substantial by changed. In order to fix the marginal distributions of the turnover table, estimations should be made about the distribution of the new voters and the deceased voters over the political parties.  Information about the new voters can be extracted from the sample in use.  Estimations of the last voting behaviour of the deceased are based on prior surveys.  The conclusions about the mutual shifts between parties are affected to the degree that the parties differ according to the age distributions.The method has been applied to exit poll datafrom the 1991 general elections in Limburg.


2018 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 321-337 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tomás Baviera

Candidates, parties, media and citizens have the same ability to post tweets. For this reason, mapping the dynamics of interaction among users is essential to evaluate the processes of influence in an electoral campaign. However, characterising these aspects requires methodologies that consider the interconnections generated by users globally. The discipline of social network analysis provides the concepts of centrality and modularity, both very suitable for the context of network communication. This article analyses the political conversation on Twitter during the 2015 and 2016 General Elections in Spain, in which four candidates with significant popularity in the electorate participated. Two corpora of 8.9 million and 9.7 million tweets were collected from each campaign, respectively, to analyse the networks of mentions and retweets. The network of mentions appears more blurred than that of retweets, allowing us to better estimate users’ partisan preference. The graphs of the network of retweets show a strong internal activity within clusters, and the proximity between them reflects the ideological axis of each party.


2021 ◽  
Vol 35 ◽  
pp. 113-134
Author(s):  
Celso Cancela Outeda ◽  
Bruno González-Cacheda

This research analyzes and compares the implementation of digital political participation devices among the political parties of the four largest states of the CPLP in terms of population. Based on the influence and incentives of the context of each state, we expect greater adoption of participation tools among the political parties of those states most digitized and developed at the socioeconomic level. For the verification of the starting hypothesis, the information regarding the categories and study variables related to the participation was collected through the websites of the selected political parties through a systematic observation. Statistical analysis of the data obtained did not allow us to confirm the relationship between the level of general digitization, socioeconomic development, and the degree of digitization of political parties. Based on the results obtained, we propose a series of alternative explanations that may be tested in future work.


2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (40) ◽  
pp. 30-43
Author(s):  
Dovilė Vengalienė

[full article and abstract in English] The present article is an attempt to examine the metaphoric models of ironic assessment employed in politicized public discourse in Lithuania. The examination follows the implications of the Blending theory (Fauconnier & Turner 2002), and discusses the topicality of the dominant metaphoric patterns in online newspaper headlines and commentaries, as well as in a number of posters the political parties of Lithuania prepared for the electoral campaign. The database of 200 newspaper headlines, comments, and posters allowed to identify dominant references to political issues in terms of sport, miracles, family, business and crime. Furthermore, the analysis has shown that attention should be drawn to aspects of social cognition and culture as they appear to be an integral part of the blending structure and are crucial in successful transmission of both the intended message and the evaluative attitude. Metaphors in the mode of irony follow a double-scope conceptual integration network, as the final blend comprises not only the elements of the two input spaces of the employed metaphor but also the elements of our background knowledge.


Author(s):  
Zelalem Degifie

Political party funding stands central to the process of democratization, because it affects whether the political playing field is level allowing for electoral competition. However, it can also threaten democracy if party funding regimes allow parties to be captured by private interests or a ruling party abuses its position as the incumbent government to gain access to resources. Adequately regulation is thus required. This chapter examines the interplay of party financing regulation, democracy, and constitutionalism in Ethiopia. Based on the normative framework of political finance in the democratic process, the study finds that badly designed and weakly enforced rules are the main challenges for political finance regulation in Ethiopia to provide a level playing field. The legislative framework and its implementation favours the ruling party, thereby causing a wide discrepancy in financial capacity between the ruling party and opposition parties. Furthermore, political parties are not transparent in their financial matters, as the law requires because the National Electoral Board of Ethiopia (NEBE) is reluctant to enforce the rules requiring such. Finally, the chapter recommends political finance reforms in order to level the political playing field and ensure transparency with regard to the funding of political parties. In this regard, diversified sources of income that combine regulated private donations with regular public funding should be introduced. Finally, the chapter suggests restrictions on the size of financial contributions and also imposing spending ceilings. A reformed legal framework would require, however, that the NEBE enforce it in a rigorously and non-discriminatory manner.


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