Dominican president will strive to run again

Subject Ruling party struggles. Significance The Dominican Republic is enjoying strong economic growth but faces rising political uncertainty. Divisions within the ruling Dominican Liberation Party (PLD) over the Law of Political Parties and candidates for the 2020 presidential election have dominated debates in recent months. On June 7, after more than a year of investigations into the Odebrecht scandal, the Attorney General indicted seven politicians for bribery while controversially exonerating key PLD leaders. Impacts Internationally controversial anti-migration policies are unlikely to soften as political factions vie for public support. The Dominican Republic will remain one of the fastest-growing economies in the region despite political uncertainties. The country’s investment-friendly environment is unlikely to be at risk even during the electoral campaign.

Significance The assassination follows months of political turmoil and rising gang violence and comes just weeks before elections, scheduled for September 26. Interim Prime Minister Claude Joseph, who has taken charge of the country, said yesterday that measures were being taken “to guarantee the continuity of the state and to protect the nation". Impacts Further political assassinations would exacerbate unrest. The Dominican Republic has closed its border, fearing a migrant surge; the situation will bolster public support there for a border wall. The UN Security Council meets today and may authorise emergency action in Haiti; any substantial redeployment, however, would take time.


Subject Tanzania's political parties bill. Significance On January 14, the High Court denied an opposition petition seeking to prevent a controversial set of amendments to the 2002 Political Parties Act being tabled in Tanzania’s National Assembly. The reforms would give the Registrar of Political Parties considerable powers to interfere in internal party processes. Impacts Stifling dissent will weaken the budget process, enabling more off-budget expenditures and likely populist budgets ahead of 2020 elections. Judicial independence will be tested as cases challenging this legislation or decisions such as the ban on political rallies multiply. Ruling party dissenters will have less room for manoeuvre, leaving them more reliant on any moderating influence party elders may have.


Significance Law and Justice (PiS) won the October 13 elections, showing that the ruling party has solid public support. However, the results were disappointing for PiS in particular, which seems narrowly to have lost control of the Senate. Impacts By missing a super-majority in parliament, PiS cannot implement leader Jaroslaw Kaczynski’s plan of constitutional change. If the opposition can agree, it will have a majority in the Senate, so that PiS will be unable to pass bills within hours. The exceptional Civic Coalition victory in Warsaw is becoming symbolic and may indicate who will lead the opposition in coming years.


Subject Romania after Dragnea. Significance For much of the last five years that Liviu Dragnea controlled the Social Democrats (PSD), he also dominated the Romanian state politically. His 42-month sentence for corruption, handed down on May 27, has opened up a vacuum in the ruling PSD, and there is no obvious successor. The verdict came immediately after two electoral blows -- massive defeat in the European Parliament (EP) elections; and a resounding rebuff in a non-binding referendum in which over 80% opposed PSD attempts to amend or cancel anti-corruption legislation. Impacts President Iohannis is likely to assert himself in foreign policy, but has lost leverage in deciding senior judicial appointments. The presidential election this autumn may not be crucial in the tussle for power, as the presidency has much-reduced powers. The EU will be highly critical of Romania’s fast-increasing budget deficit, a legacy of the Dragnea era.


Author(s):  
Carlos A. Ballesteros-Herencia ◽  
Salvador Gómez-García

Framing processes are one of the preferred objects of study in the area of Communication, despite the frequent criticism regarding their theoretical and methodological strength. This study follows the proposal of Matthes and Kohring (2008) of the detection of frames through statistical analysis of clusters that operationalize the components as defined by Entman (2003) using framing elements. This is applied to the study of the electoral campaign on Facebook of the main Spanish political parties in the election of 28 April 2019. All messages published on this social network during the 15 days of the electoral campaign were captured automatically. The use of four large frames by the parties was detected, corresponding to events and political questions, request for vote, the rival party, and media treatment. The parties used these frames to different degrees: from the institutional and positive campaign of the PSOE, to the campaign aimed at criticizing the ruling party of the main opposition party, the PP, through the inclination towards media treatment of Unidas Podemos, or a focus on their own events and proposals by Ciudadanos and Vox. A negative correlation was detected between the frames most used by the political formations as a whole and the level of user engagement on Facebook, although the use of frames by PSOE and Unidas Podemos showed a greater parallelism with the levels of interaction in this social network. Resumen Los procesos de enmarcado, encuadre o framing son uno de los objetos de estudio preferentes en el área de Comunicación, a pesar de las frecuentes y reputadas críticas sobre su solidez teórica y metodológica. En esta investigación se sigue la propuesta de Matthes y Kohring (2008) para la detección de frames mediante análisis estadístico de conglomerados que operacionaliza en elementos de enmarcado los componentes de la definición de Entman (1993). Se aplica al estudio de la campaña electoral que hicieron los principales partidos políticos españoles a través de Facebook en la convocatoria del 28 de abril de 2019. Se capturaron automatizadamente todos los mensajes publicados en esta red social en los quince días de campaña electoral, detectándose el uso de cuatro grandes frames por parte de los partidos: marco de eventos y cuestiones políticas, marco de petición de voto, marco del partido rival y marco del tratamiento mediático. Los partidos utilizaron en diferente medida estos marcos: desde la campaña institucional y en positivo del PSOE; a la campaña volcada en criticar al partido gobernante del principal partido de la oposición, el PP; pasando por la inclinación hacia el tratamiento mediático de Unidas Podemos, o a centrarse en sus propios actos y propuestas de Ciudadanos y Vox. Se detectó una correlación negativa entre los frames más empleados por las formaciones políticas en su conjunto y el nivel de engagement en Facebook, si bien la utilización concreta de los marcos por parte del PSOE y Unidas Podemos sí mostró cierto paralelismo con los niveles de interacción en esta red social.


Subject Singapore's political outlook after Lee Kuan Yew's death. Significance Lee Kuan Yew died yesterday. Having served as prime minister -- Singapore's first -- for 31 years and continuing in other roles to 2011, Lee established a formidable legacy as the principal architect of the Singaporean state and its ruling People's Action Party (PAP). Lee's death poses no challenge to the stability of the PAP or Singapore itself. The PAP will continue to mobilise Lee's image as the nation's founder constantly to reaffirm its legitimacy, but it cannot be complacent with this legacy, as its recent budget implies. Impacts Elections will become gradually more competitive; the PAP is secure for now. As opposition political parties grow in number, they will probably organise for electoral advantage. Social welfare spending will rise as the PAP attempts to retain support, potentially requiring further tax increases.


Significance Economic weakness plus popular resentment of an elite seen as corrupt creates potential for mass demonstrations by pro- and anti-EU factions. Russia's importance as an economic partner is waning but it retains substantial influence through sympathetic political parties. A presidential election this October will be coloured by the unresolved bank fraud scandal, which has created a gulf between the political establishment and the electorate. Impacts Mainstream politicians will be find it hard to shake off perceived links to corruption. Prominent figures, whether oligarchs or pro-Russian politicians, may therefore avoid standing as presidential candidates. Lack of systemic reforms is a constraint on Moldova's ability to engage with EU economies. Domestic turmoil makes the government less likely to challenge Transnistria, which will remain a conduit for Russian pressure.


Significance Albeit expected, that defeat has widened divisions within its centre-left coalition and between the administration and its political parties. The election results put the centre-right opposition in the pole position to win the next presidential election in November 2017. Impacts The impact of the election outcome on the mood in government parties far exceeds the actual size of their defeat. High abstention is a criticism of both main coalitions and suggests potentially fertile ground for populism. Without consistent support from its own parties, it will be difficult for the government to pass promised reforms.


Subject Electoral manipulation in Africa Significance In many emerging African democracies, authoritarian leaders who democratised only reluctantly have found new ways to manipulate elections to remain in power. Vote buying is a common strategy but so are more ‘hidden’ forms of manipulation such as gerrymandering or biasing the electoral roll in favour of ruling party supporters. Combined with the legitimate advantages of incumbency, this has contributed to a decline in opposition victories in African elections: to just above 10% in recent years from 35% in the early 1990s. Impacts Electoral manipulation undermines public support for the political system and is correlated with political instability and violence. The absence of meaningful political competition in many states means that elections do not promote more accountable or effective government. On average, authoritarian governments that hold elections can be expected to be more stable than those that do not.


2001 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 311-346 ◽  
Author(s):  
ULRICH MÜCKE

This article examines the relationship between elections and political participation in nineteenth-century Peru. Focusing on the elections of 1871–72, I argue that for a better understanding of the way elections facilitated political participation, we should consider not only the vote itself but also analyse the extensive electoral campaign. Generally, voting was irregular, as the different political factions attempted to impede the participation of their opponents through violence. To win the violent clashes on election day it was necessary to mobilise the popular classes. Especially in the cities, corruption and patron–client ties alone proved to be insufficient to gain support. To build powerful political factions, candidates had to win public opinion through massive campaigning and they had to respond to the claims of the urban middle and lower classes. All factions engaged in electoral fraud and neither the government nor any other political actor could determine the electoral outcome. Strong political factions were able to counterbalance governmental interference. That is why, in 1872, a government-opposed candidate, Manuel Pardo, was able to win the presidential election.


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