Gerasimov T. U. Cities of the Right-Bank Ukraine and the First World War: Daily Story: Monograph / T. U. Gerasimov - Vinnitsa LLC «Mercury-Podillia», 2017. - 436 pp.

The article is dedicated to the matter of Turkish prisoners on the Nargin Island in the Caspian Sea during the First World War. According to approximate computations, there were about 50-60 thousand people of Turkish captives in Russia. Some of them were sent to Baku because of the close location to the Caucasus Front and from there they were sent to the Nargin Island in the Caspian Sea. As time showed it was not the right choise. The Island had no decent conditions for living and turned the life of prisoners into the hell camp. Hastily built barracks contravene meet elementary standards, were poorly heated and by the end of the war they were not heated at all, water supply was unsatisfactory, sometimes water was not brought to the prisoner's several days. Bread was given in 100 grams per person per day, and then this rate redused by half. Knowing the plight of the prisoners, many citizens of Baku as well as the Baku Muslim Charitable Society and other charitable societies provided moral and material support to prisoners, they often went to the camp, brought food, clothes, medicines Key words: World War I, prisoners of war, Nargin Island, refugees, incarceration conditions, starvation, charity

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British Right-Wing Anti-semitism, 1918-1930.

10.46289/hs65lm41 ◽

2021 ◽

Author(s):

◽

Oliver Brown

Keyword(s):

First World War ◽

Primary Sources ◽

Comparative Approach ◽

Right Wing ◽

World War ◽

Anti Semitism ◽

Wide Range ◽

The First World War ◽

The Right ◽

First World

This thesis investigates the prevalence of anti-Semitism in the British right-wing between the years of 1918 and 1930. It aims to redress the imbalance of studies on interwar British right-wing anti-Semitism that are skewed towards the 1930s, Oswald Mosley and the British Union of Fascists. This thesis is the first to focus exclusively on the immediate aftermath of the First World War and the rest of the 1920s, to demonstrate how interwar British right-wing anti-Semitism was not an isolated product of the 1930s. This work shows that anti-Semitism was endemic throughout much of the right-wing in early interwar Britain but became pushed further away from the mainstream as the decade progressed. This thesis adopts a comparative approach of comparing the actions and ideology of different sections of the British right-wing. The three sections that it is investigating are the “mainstream”, the “anti-alien/anti-Bolshevik” right and the “Jewish-obsessive” fringe. This comparative approach illustrates the types of anti-Semitism that were widespread throughout the British right-wing. Furthermore, it demonstrates which variants of anti-Semitism remained on the fringes. This thesis will steer away from only focusing on the virulently anti-Semitic, fringe organisations. The overemphasis on peripheral figures and openly fascistic groups when historians have glanced back at the 1920s helped lead to an exaggerated view that Britain was a tolerant haven in historiographical pieces, at least up until the 1980s. This thesis is using a wide range of primary sources, that are representative of the different sections of the British right-wing.

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‘The first of the small nations’: the significance of central European small states in Irish nationalist political rhetoric, 1918–22

Irish Historical Studies ◽

10.1017/ihs.2020.3 ◽

2020 ◽

Vol 44 (165) ◽

pp. 25-40

Author(s):

Lili Zách

Keyword(s):

Political Rhetoric ◽

First World War ◽

Self Determination ◽

Small States ◽

World War ◽

Central European ◽

The First World War ◽

The Right ◽

First World ◽

Scholarly Attention

AbstractOffering new insights into Irish links with the wider world, this article explores and contextualises Irish nationalist perceptions of and links with central European small states in the immediate aftermath of the First World War. The belief that any small nation like Ireland, oppressed by a dominant neighbour, had the right to self-determination was of key importance in nationalist political rhetoric during the revolutionary years. Given the similarity of circumstances among newly independent small states, Irish commentators were aware of the struggles Ireland shared with the successors of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Personal encounters on the continent, as well as news regarding small nations in central Europe, shaped Irish opinions of the region. Certainly, the images presented by Irish commentators reflected their own political agendas and were therefore often deliberately idealistic. Nonetheless, they served a specific purpose as they were meant to further Ireland's interest on the international stage. Looking beyond Ireland for lessons and examples to follow became a frequent part of Irish nationalist political rhetoric. By directing scholarly attention to a hitherto less explored aspect of Irish historiography, this article aims to highlight the complexity of Ireland's connection with the continent within the framework of small nations, from a transnational perspective.

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Institutional reversals and economic growth: Palestine 1516–1948

Journal of Institutional Economics ◽

10.1017/s1744137411000385 ◽

2011 ◽

Vol 8 (1) ◽

pp. 119-141 ◽

Cited By ~ 7

Author(s):

ANDREW SCHEIN

Keyword(s):

Economic Growth ◽

Private Property ◽

18Th Century ◽

First World War ◽

World War ◽

The People ◽

The First World War ◽

The Right ◽

The 19Th Century ◽

First World

Abstract:This study examines the type and quality of institutions in Palestine and the correlation between the institutions and economic growth in Palestine from 1516 to 1948. Initially in the 16th century, with the Ottoman conquest of the area, institutions in Palestine involved de facto private user-rights. The level of expropriation by elites was low, and this enabled the people to develop the lands that they had acquired the right to cultivate. In the 17th and 18th centuries, with the exception of the Galilee in the middle of the 18th century, institutions became extractive due to tax farming, rapacious governors and Bedouin raids. From the middle of the 19th century until 1948, there was a second reversal back to private property institutions, first slowly until the First World War, and then more rapidly under the British Mandate after the First World War. When there were private property institutions the economy prospered, while when there were extractive institutions, the economy stagnated.

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De glans van het verleden, het recht op het heden. Over het eerste eeuwfeest van Conscience

WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging ◽

10.21825/wt.v73i2.12161 ◽

2014 ◽

Vol 73 (2) ◽

pp. 130-151

Author(s):

Jo Tollebeek ◽

Germa Greving

Keyword(s):

Nineteenth Century ◽

First World War ◽

100Th Anniversary ◽

World War ◽

The Past ◽

Gekenmerkt Door ◽

The First World War ◽

The Right ◽

First World

In de zomer van 1912 werd met veel enthousiasme de honderdste geboortedag van Hendrik Conscience gevierd. Het eeuwfeest, dat vooral in Antwerpen veel publiek trok, illustreerde hoezeer ook nog aan de vooravond van de Eerste Wereldoorlog dergelijke herinneringsfeesten werden gekenmerkt door een ouder, romantisch idioom. In een traditionele, negentiendeeeuwse praalstoet en een door Emmanuel De Bom opgezette tentoonstelling werd de geschiedenis tot iets heiligs gemaakt, iets dat blijvende trouw afdwong. Maar tegelijk kreeg het eeuwfeest ook een actuele betekenis en werd Conscience niet alleen een erflater, maar ook een opdrachtgever. Tijdens twee ‘plechtige feestzittingen’ presenteerden René De Clercq en Pol De Mont Conscience als vader, die op gepaste wijze moest worden herdacht. Maar zij benadrukten ook dat het Woord van de schrijver tot Daden moest leiden. Dat maakte van het eeuwfeest van 1912 meer dan een romantisch herinneringsfeest: het ging ook om een politieke manifestatie, met een strijdbaar karakter en eigentijdse eisen (‘onze Vlaamsche Hoogeschool’). Dit sloot niet uit dat ernaar werd gestreefd de herinnering aan Conscience te musealiseren. De blik op de verdere Vlaamse ontvoogding vereiste blijkbaar ook een terugblik. Daarmee werden verleden en heden wederzijds op elkaar betrokken.________The splendour of the past, the right to the present. About Conscience’s centenary celebration. The 100th anniversary of the birth of Hendrik Conscience was celebrated with great enthusiasm in the summer of 1912. The centenary celebration, which drew a lot of public in Antwerp in particular, illustrated to which extent such memorial celebrations were characterised by an older, romantic idiom even on the eve of the First World War. A traditional nineteenth century pageant and an exhibition created by Emmanuel De Bom turned history into something holy, that enforced enduring loyalty. At the same time, however, the centenary celebration also acquired a present-day significance and thus Conscience became not only a testator but also an initiator. During two ‘formal festive sessions’ René De Clercq and Pol De Mont presented Conscience as the father who deserved to be remembered in a fitting manner. However, they also emphasized that the Words of the author needed to be translated into Actions. This meant that the 1912 century celebration was more than a romantic commemoration: it was also a political manifestation that was militant in nature and with contemporary demands. (‘Our Flemish University’). This did not exclude that it was attempted to musealize the memory of Conscience. The prospect of a continued Flemish emancipation apparently also required retrospection. Thus the past and the present were interlinked.

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“...COMING TO COMMON PEACE TOGETHER WITH OUR ALLIES”: ROMANIA’S FOREIGN POLICY BALANCING DURING WORLD WAR I

Skhid ◽

10.21847/1728-9343.2021.2(3).247245 ◽

2021 ◽

pp. 36-44

Author(s):

Yaroslav POPENKO ◽

Ihor SRIBNYAK ◽

Natalia YAKOVENKO ◽

Viktor MATVIYENKO

Keyword(s):

Foreign Policy ◽

World War I ◽

First World War ◽

Peace Treaty ◽

Final Decision ◽

World War ◽

National Interests ◽

The First World War ◽

The Right ◽

First World

The article covers the course of negotiations between the plenipotentiaries of Romania and the leading states of the Entente and the Quadruple Alliance during the First World War. Facing the dilemma of determining its own foreign policy orientation – by joining one of the mentioned military-political blocs, the Romanian government was hesitating for a long time to come to a final decision. At the same time, largely due to this balancing process, official Bucharest managed to preserve its sovereign right to work out and make the most important decisions, while consistently defending Romania's national interests. By taking the side of the Entente and receiving comprehensive military assistance from Russia, Romania at the same time faced enormous military and political problems due to military superiority of the allied Austrian and German forces at the Balkan theater of hostilities. Their occupation of much of Romania forced official Bucharest to seek an alternative, making it sign a separate agreement with the Central Block states. At the same time, its ratification was being delayed in every possible way, which enabled Romania to return to the camp of war winners at the right time. At the same time, official Bucharest made the most of the decline and liquidation of imperial institutions in Russia and Austria-Hungary at the final stage of the First World War, incorporating vast frontier territories into the Kingdom. Taking advantage of the revolutionary events in Russia, the Romanian government succeeded, in particular, in resolving the “Bessarabian problem” in its favor. In addition, Romania included Transylvania, Bukovina and part of Banat. An important foreign policy achievement of Romanian diplomacy was signing of the 1918 Bucharest Peace Treaty, as well as its participation in the Paris Peace Conference.

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Democracy as Civilizing Mission

On Civilization's Edge ◽

10.1093/oso/9780190067458.003.0002 ◽

2020 ◽

pp. 19-46

Author(s):

Kathryn Ciancia

Keyword(s):

First World War ◽

Local Communities ◽

World War ◽

Civilizing Mission ◽

The First World War ◽

Polish Version ◽

Paris Peace Conference ◽

The Right ◽

First World

As the First World War ended, new borderland conflicts erupted in Volhynia. At the Paris Peace Conference, Polish statesmen tapped into broader global ideas of civilization in order to show that the Polish nation had the right to rule Volhynia’s “backward” populations, particularly its Ukrainian-speaking majority. At the same time, Polish nationalist activists in the Borderland Guard (Straż Kresowa) attempted to implement their vision of anti-imperial democracy on the ground. This chapter explores how the Borderland Guard’s activists reconfigured “civilization” in Volhynia’s war-torn, resource-starved, and fractured local communities, where conflict played out along national, social, and economic lines. The contention that there were civilizational hierarchies both between Poles and non-Poles and within the ranks of “Poles” coexisted with rhetoric about national inclusivity. Indeed, hierarchy and exclusion directly emerged from attempts to import a Polish version of democracy into the borderlands.

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Turmoil, 1918–1924

Between Heimat and Hatred ◽

10.1093/oso/9780190930660.003.0004 ◽

2019 ◽

pp. 115-168

Author(s):

Philipp Nielsen

Keyword(s):

Weimar Republic ◽

First World War ◽

The Political ◽

Right Wing ◽

Social Changes ◽

World War ◽

New Concepts ◽

The First World War ◽

The Right ◽

First World

This chapter describes the ways in which right-wing Jews, whether they described themselves as “royalist,” “nationally minded” (nationalgesinnt), or “conservative,” attempted to make sense of the political and social changes around them following Germany’s defeat in the First World War and amid revolution at home. None of them were mere bystanders but active participants in their environment. The extent to which they could remain integrated into the Right in the years between 1918/1919 and 1924, on what terms, and in which parts of it, reflects the wider development of social and political circles they moved in, and thus the development of the wider Right, in the first five years of the Weimar Republic. It traces the rise of new concepts of belonging, namely the community of the trenches and the people’s community.

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Anti-Alienism and the Primrose League: The Externalization of the Postwar Crisis in Great Britain 1918-32

Albion A Quarterly Journal Concerned with British Studies ◽

10.1017/s0095139000067120 ◽

2001 ◽

Vol 33 (02) ◽

pp. 243-269

Author(s):

Matthew Hendley

Keyword(s):

Party System ◽

First World War ◽

Russian Revolution ◽

Political Crisis ◽

World War ◽

Iron And Steel ◽

The First World War ◽

The Right ◽

First World ◽

General Strike

Anti-alienism has frequently been the dark underside of organized patriotic movements in twentieth-century Britain. Love of nation has all too frequently been accompanied by an abstract fear of foreigners or a concrete dislike of alien immigrants residing in Britain. Numerous patriotic leagues have used xenophobia and the supposed threat posed by aliens to define themselves and their Conservative creed. Aliens symbolized “the other,” which held values antithetical to members of the patriotic leagues. These currents have usually become even more pronounced in times of tension and crisis. From the end of the First World War through the 1920s, Britain suffered an enormous economic, social, and political crisis. British unemployment never fell below one million as traditional industries such as coal, iron and steel, shipbuilding, and textiles declined. Electoral reform in 1918 and 1928 quadrupled the size of the electorate, and the British party system fractured with the Liberals divided and Labour becoming the alternative party of government. Industrial unrest was rampant, culminating in the General Strike of 1926. The example of the Russian Revolution inspired many on the Left and appalled their opponents on the Right, while many British Conservatives felt that fundamental aspects of the existing system of capitalism and parliamentary democracy were under challenge.

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African Origins of the Mandates Idea

International Organization ◽

10.1017/s002081830000240x ◽

1965 ◽

Vol 19 (1) ◽

pp. 20-36 ◽

Cited By ~ 6

Author(s):

Wm. Roger Louis

Keyword(s):

British Empire ◽

First World War ◽

The Political ◽

World War ◽

Labor Party ◽

The First World War ◽

Congo Free State ◽

Political Spectrum ◽

The Right ◽

First World

As the Allied troops overran the German colonies the First World War British publicists began to debate whether these territories should be returned to Germany, placed under some sort of international control, or sliced up and annexed by the conquering powers. There was little support for the proposal to hand diem back to Germany. In part this was because of the widely held belief that the Germans were guilty of “atrocities” in Africa no less appalling than those committed in King Leopold's Congo Free State before it was annexed by Belgium in 1908. The real question was whether the German colonies should be annexed or “internationalized.” On the left of the political spectrum the Independent Labor Party urged international administration as a means of uprooting imperialism as a cause of war. On the right the conservative press advocated annexation pure and simple as a means of preventing war by strengthening the British Empire. The mandates system itself was a compromise between these opposing ideas. It was viewed by those on the left as a limited triumph in the cause of internationalization; and by those on the right as annexation in all but name.

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