scholarly journals Human rights in Indonesia. Present situation

Author(s):  
A.Yu. Drugov ◽  

The level of securing of basic human rights in Indonesia has raised significantly during the period of democratic reforms beginning from 1998. Still Indonesians have to overcome complex heritage of communal traditions and that of the political culture which emerged during previous authoritarian regimes. The recent rise of Islamic radicalism also plays its negative role. The author touches upon the situation in the provinces of Aceh and Papua as well as upon social processes that stand in the way of securing more completely the human rights in the country.

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nina Kolarzik ◽  
◽  
Aram Terzyan

The rule of Alexander Lukashenko in Belarus has created one of the most resilient authoritarian regimes in post-communist Europe. Meanwhile, the turmoil triggered by the 2020 presidential election has put in the spotlight the mounting challenges facing Lukashenko’s authoritarian rule. This paper investigates the state of human rights and political freedoms in Belarus, focusing on the main rationale behind the turmoil surrounding the 2020 presidential election. It concludes that the political crisis following the elections is the unsurprising consequence of Lukashenko’s diminishing ability to maintain power or concentrate political control by preserving elite unity, controlling elections, and/or using force against opponents.


Author(s):  
José Gomes André ◽  

This paper is concerned with the political philosophy of Richard Price, analysing the way this author has developed the concept of liberty and the problem of human rights. The theme of liberty will be interpreted in a double perspective: a) in a private dimension, that sets liberty in the inner side of the individual; b) in a public dimension, that places it in the domain of a manifest action of the individual. We will try to show how this double outlook of liberty is conceived under the optics of a necessary complementarity, since liberty, which is primarily understood as a feature of the subject taken as an individual, acquires only a full meaning when she becomes efective in a comunitary field, as a social and political expression. The concept of human rights will appear located in this analysis, being defined simultaneously as condition and expression of the human dignity and happiness, at the same time natural attributes of an individual that should be cultivated and public effectiveness that contributes to the development of society.


2021 ◽  
pp. 149-164
Author(s):  
Howard Davis

Without assuming prior legal knowledge, books in the Directions series introduce and guide readers through key points of law and legal debate. Questions, discussion points, and thinking points help readers to engage fully with each subject and check their understanding as they progress and knowledge can be tested by self-test questions and exam questions at the chapter end. This chapter focuses Convention rights that are considered ancillary by virtue of the fact that they do not in themselves establish any substantive human rights but are relevant to the way the substantive rights are put into effect. Specifically, the chapter discusses Article 14, which prohibits discrimination in the way Convention rights and freedoms are secured; Article 15, which allows states to derogate from their responsibilities under certain circumstances; Article 16, which allows states to restrict the political activities of aliens; Article 17, which authorises the ECtHR and national courts to refuse to uphold the rights of those who would use them to undermine the rights of others; and Article 18, which insists that rights and freedoms in the Convention can be restricted and qualified.


Author(s):  
Justine Lacroix

This chapter examines a number of key concepts in Hannah Arendt's work, with particular emphasis on how they have influenced contemporary thought about the meaning of human rights. It begins with a discussion of Arendt's claim that totalitarianism amounts to a destruction of the political domain and a denial of the human condition itself; this in turn had occurred only because human rights had lost all validity. It then considers Arendt's formula of the ‘right to have rights’ and how it opens the way to a ‘political’ conception of human rights founded on the defence of republican institutions and public-spiritedness. It shows that this ‘political’ interpretation of human rights is itself based on an underlying understanding of the human condition as marked by natality, liberty, plurality and action, The chapter concludes by reflecting on the so-called ‘right to humanity’.


1971 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 333-360 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dennis Kavanagh

ALL POLITICAL CULTURES ARE MIXED AND CHANGING. WHAT IS interesting in the English case, however, is the way in which a veritable army of scholars has seized on the deferential component. Other features in the overall cultural pattern have been neglected. This paper is devoted to an examination of the concept of deference as it is applied to English politics. In particular it will focus on the different meanings that the concept has assumed in the literature describing and analysing the popular political attitudes, and those aspects of the political system, including stability, which it has been used to explain. My concluding argument is that deference, as the concept is frequently applied to English political culture, has attained the status of a stereotype and that it is applied to such variegated and sometimes conflicting data that it has outlived its usefulness as a term in academic currency.


Boom Cities ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 1-13
Author(s):  
Otto Saumarez Smith

The introduction to Boom Cities sets out the arguments and methodology of the book. It contends that the reshaping of central areas cannot be understood solely through architectural culture, but needs to be understood through the way that architectural culture became entangled with the political culture and ambitions of the period. Modernism, which has been the defining key in understanding this moment in all previous accounts, is therefore implicitly downgraded as an explanatory tool, and the book looks instead towards other explanatory categories, to better explain the seemingly contradictory features of complex individuals and the variety of their motives.


2018 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 96-110 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edith Szanto

Disgusted with ISIS, some Kurds turned away from Islam following the fall of Mosul in 2014. Many became atheists, while others sought comfort in Zoroastrianism. Zoroastrianism, according to converts, was the “original” religion of the Kurds before they embraced Islam. In 2015, two Zoroastrian centers opened in Sulaimani, both of which are recognized by the Kurdish Regional Government in northern Iraq. Notably, neither has tried to recreate Zoroastrianism the way it is currently and has been historically practiced in Iran and South Asia. Instead, they have created their own versions of Zoroastrianism, which is nationalist, postmodern, and liberal. Kurdish Zoroastrians argue that the reason Kurds are “backward” is Islam. They seek to rectify the present situation through a Kurdish “authenticated” and “original” form of Zoroastrianism. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork at these two centers, the present article examines this new religious movement in Sulaimani, an important city in the Kurdish region of northern Iraq. It analyses the rise and distinctiveness of Kurdish Zoroastrianism looking at how Zoroastrian Kurds articulate their views on Islam, women’s rights, human rights, and Kurdish independence.


2006 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 327-352 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carlos García-Rivero ◽  
Hennie Kotzé

AbstractThe study of Arab political culture has been developed extensively in recent times in an attempt to test whether the lack of democracy in the Arab world can be ascribed to its political culture, in which religion plays a major role. There are divergent conclusions with regards to this question. In this article, using quantitative techniques, we have analyzed satisfaction with the way democracy is implemented in Algeria at the elite and general public levels. More specifically, we have looked at whether the demand for more religious influence within the state affects levels of satisfaction with the way democracy is being implemented within Algeria. Our results indicate that the low level of satisfaction with the way democracy is implemented in Algeria amongst elites and the public is not driven by political culture or religion specifically – but by a perception of a lack of respect for human rights in the country and, in the case of the general public, also by a lack of confidence in the Algerian state.


Author(s):  
Eduardo J. RUIZ VIEYTEZ

LABURPENA: Azken urteotan, erreferenduma gehiago erabiltzea proposatu dute hainbat sektore sozial eta politikok, herritarrek parte hartzeko mekanismoa izan dadin eta gure sistemaren birsorkuntza demokratikoa ekar dezan. Europako testuinguruan, Suitzak erabiltzen du gehien erreferenduma. Suitzako esperientziak erakusten duenez, erreferenduma sarri erabiltzea ez dago arazo politiko eta juridikoetatik salbuetsita. Lehenengoen artean, hautesleen parte-hartzea txikia izaten dela, populismoa areagotu egiten dela eta, giza eskubideei eragin diezaieketen arren, herritarren erabakiak goresten dituen kultura politikoa eratzen dela aipa daiteke. Erreferendumean onartutako xedapenek nazioarteko arauei aurka egiten dietenean, zailtasun handiak agertzen dira arlo juridikoan; zehazki, giza eskubideen eremuan. Gure sistema politikoan erreferendumaren erabilera areagotzeko orduan, faktore horiek aintzat hartu behar dira. RESUMEN: En los últimos años varios sectores sociales y políticos han propuesto un mayor uso del referéndum como mecanismo de participación popular y de regeneración democrática de nuestro sistema. En el contexto europeo Suiza es el país que más profusamente hace uso del referéndum. Su experiencia suiza muestra que la utilización frecuente del referéndum no está exenta de problemas políticos y jurídicos. Entre los primeros pueden citarse la baja participación del electorado, el aumento del populismo y la configuración de una cultura política que ensalza las decisiones populares aun en los casos en los que éstas puedan afectar a los derechos humanos. En el plano jurídico se plantean importantes dificultades cuando las disposiciones aprobadas en referéndum contradicen normas de carácter internacional, en particular en el ámbito de los derechos humanos. Estos factores deben ser tenidos en cuenta a la hora de incrementar el uso del referéndum en nuestro sistema político. ABSTRACT: In the last years, several social and political sectors have suggested a more frequent and efficient use of referendum as a mechanism for political participation and democratic regeneration in our system. Within the European context, Switzerland is the country that most frequently uses the referendum. Its experience shows that a frequent use of referendum is not free from political and legal problems. Among the political concerns, it can be mentioned ta low turnout, an emerging populism and a peculiar political culture that enshrines popular will even in the cases in which this might go against human rights. From the legal perspective, important difficulties can be found when clauses adopted by referendum go against international legal standards, particularly in the field of human rights. These problematic factors must be seriously considered in a possible increase of the use of referendum in our constitutional system.


2011 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 121-149 ◽  
Author(s):  
ELISABET DUEHOLM RASCH

AbstractAgainst the backdrop of ethnic political mobilisation in Latin America, this article examines how, as Quetzaltenango's first Mayan mayor, Rigoberto Quemé Chay transformed two interrelated dimensions of citizenship: political culture and the politics of belonging. It analyses the way in which citizenship is constituted at three levels. The first is within Xel-jú as an indigenous political organisation whose practices contrast withladinoways of doing politics. The second is in relation to internal divisions between the militant indigenous line and the intercultural group. The third is within Xel-jú as a city-centred, middle-class-oriented indigenous organisation rather than a rural, indigenous community organisation. This article argues that transformations in citizenship are limited by the political, economic and ethnic context, and that overlapping systems of repression still prevent the participation of marginalised groups in Quetzaltenango.


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