scholarly journals China's Grand Strategic Response over Global Unipolarity

2019 ◽  
Vol IV (IV) ◽  
pp. 468-475
Author(s):  
Shabnam Gul ◽  
Aftab Alam ◽  
Muhammad Faizan Asghar
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Space Technology ◽  
Strategic Response ◽  
The Us ◽  
The World ◽  
Soft Balancing ◽  
The Usa ◽  
Peaceful Development ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Made In

The USA, the victor of the Cold War, became supper power in 1992 and started to exercise its hegemony in the world. China, a Cold War ally of the US, became a stronger economy and came forward to encounter the Primacy of the US in Asia. In the name of peaceful development and cooperation, China has become the supreme exporter of the world and the second economy of the world. The advancement PRC has made in the arena of technology, military, space technology, its engagements in different regions, its soft balancing strategy in the world displays that China wants to perform as a forthcoming hegemon of the world. This paper analyze both the soft and hard balancing tactics of China to counter the omnipotence of the US in different regions of the world. The strategies of China illustrates that it is searching for a multipolar world.

ŞANGAY İŞBİRLİĞİ ÖRGÜTÜ VE TÜRKİYE’NİN OLASI İLİŞKİLERİ

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (12) ◽  
pp. 107-116
Author(s):  
Zahir Ahmad KHALEQI ◽  
Jamaluddin Sadruddin Oghli
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Shanghai Cooperation Organization ◽  
Full Membership ◽  
Advantages And Disadvantages ◽  
Eu Membership ◽  
The Us ◽  
The World ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The Cold War

With the dissolution of the USSR, the world entered a unipolar period after the cold war. In this period, the US wants to influence the region by establishing warm relations during the independence and establishment processes in the former Soviet regions with the claims of world domination. China and Russia, dissatisfied with these expansionist policies of the USA and western countries. China and Russia took the border problems between them for many years against the threats in the region and established the Shanghai 5th organization in 1996 to establish security and commercial cooperation and to remove the USA from the region. With the participation of Uzbekistan in 2001, the name of the organization was changed to Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). when Turkey started to be hesitated from EU membership process in recent years, Turkey's foreign policy orientation of Eurasia and as an alternative to membership in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization has started to be discussed. In 2012, Turkey was accepted as a dialogue country in the SCO that could not yet enter the full membership process. In this study, primarily the establishment of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and mentioning about the structure of the aforementioned organization, within the framework of the advantages and disadvantages of being the SCO member for Turkey and its possible relations were examined.

Hegemonic Disarray—American Internationalisms and World Disorder

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Deudney
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Middle East ◽  
International Order ◽  
The World ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
At Home

The end of the Cold War left the USA as uncontested hegemon and shaper of the globalization and international order. Yet the international order has been unintentionally but repeatedly shaken by American interventionism and affronts to both allies and rivals. This is particularly the case in the Middle East as the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq as well as the nuclear negotiations with Iran show. Therefore, the once unquestioned authority and power of the USA have been challenged at home as well as abroad. By bringing disorder rather than order to the world, US behavior in these conflicts has also caused domestic exhaustion and division. This, in turn, has led to a more restrained and as of late isolationist foreign policy from the USA, leaving the role as shaper of the international order increasingly to others.

scholarly journals Comparison of the systems of classification of operational and strategic planning documents of the USSR and the USA during the Cold War

2018 ◽  
pp. 101-107
Author(s):  
Mykola Saychuk
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Strategic Planning ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Detailed Comparison ◽  
The Us ◽  
Archival Documents ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Widespread View

The system of secrecy of documents of operative-strategic planning which worked in the armed forces of the USSR and the USA during the Cold War the author analyzes based on his experience with archival documents. On the basis of the author’s experience with work with archival documents, this article analyzes the systems of classification of operational and strategic planning documents of the Armed Forces of the USSR and the USA during the Cold War. A comparison of documents’ classification levels and works of the regime-secret (classification) bodies is made. It is determined which secrecy classification levels and additional code words were used for different documents depending on the nature of the information contained in them: nuclear planning, mobilization planning, operational plans at the theaters of war. After a detailed comparison, it is concluded that despite the widespread view of extraordinary secrecy in the USSR, in fact, the US regime-secret system was more advanced, demanding and rigid. The Soviet system included three levels of document secrecy. In addition, the US system had additional restrictions due to acronyms listing a narrow range of document users. The aim of the article is to investigate documents that reveal the preparation for war in Europe during the Cold War.

Cold War diplomacy

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Beverley Hooper
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
National Security ◽  
The United States ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
The Us ◽  
The World ◽  
Communist China ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Foreign Ministries

From the early 1970s, the US-China relationship was central to diplomatic reporting, with National Security Advisor Henry Kissinger’s visit to Peking in October 1971, President Nixon’s historic visit in February 1972, and the establishment the following year of small liaison offices in Peking and Washington. Following each of Kissinger’s further visits in 1973 and 1974, senior diplomats virtually queued up at the liaison office to find out what progress, if any, had been made towards the normalization of US-China relations. Peking’s diplomats, like some of their colleagues elsewhere in the world, did not always see eye-to-eye with their foreign ministries. There was little chance of their becoming overly attached to Communist China, as the Japanologists and Arabists were sometimes accused of doing for Japan and Arab countries. At the same time, living and breathing the PRC led some diplomats to regard Chinese Communism as being rather more nuanced—and the government somewhat less belligerent—than the Cold War images portrayed in the West, particularly the United States.

Ending Grand Alliance Politics in Western Europe: US Anti-communism in France and Italy, 1944–7

2017 ◽  
Vol 53 (1) ◽  
pp. 134-157 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alessandro Brogi
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
The State ◽  
Alliance Politics ◽  
Time Period ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Usa ◽  
Grand Alliance ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Transitional Phase

The postwar ascendancy of the French and Italian Communist Parties (PCF and PCI) as the strongest ones in the emerging Western alliance was an unexpected challenge for the USA. The US response during this time period (1944–7) was tentative, and relatively moderate, reflecting the still transitional phase from wartime Grand Alliance politics to Cold War. US anti-communism in Western Europe remained guarded for diplomatic and political reasons, but it never mirrored the ambivalence of anti-Americanism among French and especially Italian Communist leaders and intellectuals. US prejudicial opposition to a share of communist power in the French and Italian provisional governments was consistently strong. A relatively decentralized approach by the State Department, however, gave considerable discretion to moderate, circumspect US officials on the ground in France and Italy. The subsequent US turn toward an absolute struggle with Western European communism was only in small part a reaction to direct provocations from Moscow, or the PCI and PCF. The two parties and their powerful propaganda appeared likely to undermine Western cohesion; this was the first depiction, by the USA and its political allies in Europe, of possible domino effects in the Cold War.

The USA policy towards Iraq Feb 8-1963- July17-1968

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 391-415
Author(s):  
Harem Hasan Ahmed Baban ◽  
Mohammed Abdullah Kakasur
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Negative Impact ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
American Interest ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Economic Ties ◽  
Important Site

The USA policy towards Iraq 1963-1968,is one of the significant topics that has been given special attention by researchers, especially the America’s role in bringing the Baathists to power in Iraq and recognizing them.Another issue that has been taken care of by America is how to strengthen its political, cultural, and economic ties, especially its oil relations with Iraq. Because of Iraq was one of main forces in the Middle East during the Cold War, Therefore, it has become an important site to American interest .On the other hand, there were some external factors that had a negative impact on the US foreign policy towards Iraq during this period. Among those factors, the Arab-Israel and the problem of western oil partners that were operating in Iraq at that time. However during existing these issues, the cultural and economic relations between USA and Iraq was still remain.

The ‘New Cold War’ in ‘critical International Relations studies’

1986 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 163-185 ◽  
Author(s):  
V. Kubalkova ◽  
A. A. Cruickshank
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
International Relations ◽  
New Left ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The Cold War

In the historiography of the Cold War a small but active group of American historians influenced by New Left radicalism rejected the view prevailing in the USA at the time in regard to the assignation of responsibility for the beginning and continuation of the Cold War.1 Although their reasoning took them along different routes and via different perceptions as to key dates and events, there were certain features all US revisionists had in common (some more generally recognized than others). Heavily involved as they were in the analysis of the US socio-economic system, the Soviet Union was largely left out of their concerns and it was the United States who had been found the ‘guilty’ party. The revisionists, of course inadvertently, corroborated Soviet conclusions, a fact gratefully acknowledged by Soviet writers.2

scholarly journals How ‘making the world in its own liberal image’ made the West less liberal

2021 ◽  
Vol 97 (5) ◽  
pp. 1353-1375
Author(s):  
Benjamin Miller
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Global Economy ◽  
Economic Effects ◽  
Democracy Promotion ◽  
Economic Success ◽  
The West ◽  
The Us ◽  
The World ◽  
The Cold War

Abstract How did the attempt to make the world more liberal end up making the West less liberal? Following the end of the Cold War the US tried to promote liberalism in various parts of the world. This promotion took place under the liberal belief in its universality. A few of these attempts succeeded, most notably the integration of China into the global economy. Many other liberalizing endeavours failed, notably democracy-promotion in China, Russia and the Middle East. Yet, both the successes and the failures resulted in the rise of illiberal elements in the West as reflected in Brexit and Trumpism. The article shows how the outcomes of the attempts at liberalization—both the failures and the successes—generated these populist forces. The Chinese economic success took place at least partly because of the US-led integration of China into the international order. Yet, this success produced adverse economic effects in the West. Such outcomes led to the rise of economic populism. The American liberal interventions in the Middle East affected the rise of terrorism and of Muslim migration to the West. These developments influenced the rise of cultural populism in the West, which advances resentment of foreigners, migrants and minorities.

“Taking America's Story to the World”: Touring Jerome Robbins's Ballets: U.S.A. During the Cold War

2020 ◽  
Vol 52 (2) ◽  
pp. 4-25
Author(s):  
Stacey Prickett
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Mixed Race ◽  
Press Coverage ◽  
Arts Festivals ◽  
The Us ◽  
The World ◽  
Us Government ◽  
Archival Documentation ◽  
The Cold War

Between 1958 and 1961, Jerome Robbins's Ballets: U.S.A. company toured to European arts festivals with a repertory of new and existing works, most of which remain in performance more than six decades later. Cold War political and artistic imperatives intersected in choreography that circulated visions of “American” innovation and youthful vitality, danced to an eclectic range of scores by a mixed-race cast. Archival documentation of the funding process reveals discussions about aesthetic priorities and the choreographer's responsibility to the US government. Analysis of press coverage of the performances also considers the extent to which diplomatic objectives were achieved.

5. From confrontation to détente, 1958–68

2021 ◽  
pp. 78-101
Author(s):  
Robert J. McMahon
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Vietnam War ◽  
Risk Taking ◽  
Nuclear War ◽  
The Us ◽  
The World ◽  
The Vietnam War ◽  
The Cold War

‘From confrontation to détente, 1958–68’ explores the events and forces that made the late 1950s and early 1960s a period of seemingly perpetual crisis. In the late 1950s, the Cold War entered perhaps its most dangerous phase, the time in which the danger of general nuclear war was highest. A succession of crises, culminating in 1962 with the epochal confrontation between Washington and Moscow over the presence of Soviet missiles in Cuba, brought the world perilously close to a nuclear conflagration. On both sides of the superpower divide, risk-taking and shrill rhetoric reached levels not witnessed since the late 1940s. The US involvement in Vietnam, particularly the Vietnam War, is an important part of this history.

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