scholarly journals A brief note on the history of psychosurgery in Japan

2017 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. E13 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jiro Nudeshima ◽  
Takaomi Taira
Keyword(s):  
Psychiatric Disorders ◽  
New Left ◽  
Negative Influence ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Neurosurgical Treatment ◽  
History Of ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Surgical Treatments ◽  
Left Movement

In Japan, there has been no neurosurgical treatment for psychiatric disorders since the 1970s. Even deep brain stimulation (DBS) has not been studied or used for psychiatric disorders. Neurosurgery for psychiatric disorders has been thwarted by social taboos for many years, and psychiatrists today seem to simply ignore modern developments and therapies offered by neurosurgery such as DBS. As a result, most patients and their families do not know such “last-resort” options exist.Historically, as in other countries, frontal lobotomies were widely performed in Japan in the 1940s and 1950s, and some Japanese neurosurgeons used stereotactic methods for the treatment of psychiatric disorders until the 1960s. However, in the 1960s and 1970s such surgical treatments began to receive condemnation based on political judgment, rather than on medical and scientific evaluation. Protest campaigns at the time hinged on the prevailing political beliefs, forming a part of the new “left” movement against leading authorities across a wide range of societal institutions including medical schools. Finally, the Japanese Society for Psychiatry and Neurology banned the surgical treatment for psychiatric disorders in 1975. Even today, Japan’s dark history continues to exert an enormous negative influence on neurosurgery for psychiatric disorders.

Labor History and Public History: Introduction

2009 ◽  
Vol 76 (1) ◽  
pp. 2-5 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Miller Klubock ◽  
Paulo Fontes
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Social History ◽  
Public History ◽  
Labor History ◽  
New Left ◽  
The United States ◽  
Working Class History ◽  
History Of ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S

Labor history and public history have had a long relationship in the United States, as James Green argues in Taking History to Heart, dating back to Progressive-era historians like Mary Ritter and Charles A. Beard. Labor historians like Phillip Foner, who identified with the “Old Left,” made labor history public history through ties to labor organizations and the Communist Party. Then, during the 1960s, historians identified with the “New Left” and inspired by E.P. Thompson, worked to extend social history and working-class history “from the bottom up” beyond the confines of the academy, even as they shifted their focus from the institutional histories of unions and political parties, to make the history of “ordinary people” and “everyday life” public history. The organization of history workshops and the proliferation of oral history projects reflect the ways in which historians of the working class made their practices public history in new ways during the 1960s and 1970s while expanding the sphere of both “the public” and “labor” to include histories of women, gender and patriarchy, and ethnic and racial minorities.

MINING THE ARCHIVES: A POTTERY SEQUENCE FOR BORNO, NIGERIA

2003 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-76 ◽  
Author(s):  
Graham Connah ◽  
S.G.H. Daniels
Keyword(s):  
Large Body ◽  
Archaeological Research ◽  
Independent Data ◽  
Frankfurt Am Main ◽  
Archaeological Pottery ◽  
New Findings ◽  
History Of ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Johann Wolfgang Goethe

New archaeological research in Borno by the Johann-Wolfgang-Goethe-Universität, Frankfurt am Main, Germany, has included the analysis of pottery excavated from several sites during the 1990s. This important investigation made us search through our old files for a statistical analysis of pottery from the same region, which although completed in 1981 was never published. The material came from approximately one hundred surface collections and seven excavated sites, spread over a wide area, and resulted from fieldwork in the 1960s and 1970s. Although old, the analysis remains relevant because it provides a broad geographical context for the more recent work, as well as a large body of independent data with which the new findings can be compared. It also indicates variations in both time and space that have implications for the human history of the area, hinting at the ongoing potential of broadscale pottery analysis in this part of West Africa and having wider implications of relevance to the study of archaeological pottery elsewhere.

Generational Spillover in the Resistance to Trump

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nancy Whittier
Keyword(s):  
Generation X ◽  
Mutual Influence ◽  
Organizational Structures ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Political Generations ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S

The anti-Trump Resistance involves activists from an unusually wide range of political and chronological generations: movement veterans from the 1960s and 1970s, Generation X activists politicized in the 1980s and 1990s, Millennials who entered activism in the 2000s, and newcomers of all ages. Political generations differ in worldview based on both age and time of entry into activism. Generational spillover—the mutual influence, difference, and conflict among political generations—includes explicit attempts to teach organizing, and indirect influences on frames, organizational structures, tactics, ideologies, and goals. This chapter discusses generational spillover in the Resistance, including transmission and conflict.

Why Diamonds Really are a Girl's Best Friend: Another American Narrative

Daedalus ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 141 (1) ◽  
pp. 89-100
Author(s):  
Linda K. Kerber
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
Cultural Practice ◽  
Legal Tradition ◽  
Domestic Relations ◽  
Recent Developments ◽  
American Law ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Republic ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S

The old law of domestic relations and the system known as coverture have shaped marriage practices in the United States and have limited women's membership in the constitutional community. This system of law predates the Revolution, but it lingers in U.S. legal tradition even today. After describing coverture and the old law of domestic relations, this essay considers how the received narrative of women's place in U.S. history often obscures the story of women's and men's efforts to overthrow this oppressive regime, and also the story of the continuing efforts of men and some women to stabilize and protect it. The essay also questions the paradoxes built into American law: for example, how do we reconcile the strictures of coverture with the founders' care in defining rights-holders as “persons” rather than “men”? Citing a number of court cases from the early days of the republic to the present, the essay describes the 1960s and 1970s shift in legal interpretation of women's rights and obligations. However, recent developments – in abortion laws, for example – invite inquiry as to how full the change is that we have accomplished. The history of coverture and the way it affects legal, political, and cultural practice today is another American narrative that needs to be better understood.

ЦЕННОСТИ И СМЫСЛЫ НЕНАСИЛИЯ В ПОЛИТИЧЕСКОМ ПРОТЕСТЕ

2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 58
Author(s):  
Л. Ю. Логунова ◽  
Е. А. Маженина
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
New Left ◽  
Political Protest ◽  
Self Awareness ◽  
Sociological Study ◽  
The Core ◽  
Long Term Study ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Left Movement

The article presents the results of a long-term study of protest as a cultural phenomenon, the transformation of values, realized in the activities of the best people of the planet and their followers. These values have absorbed the experience of many generations and the behavior of people defending the rights of an individual to dignity, equality before the law, fair attitude, freedom of thought. In the history of the development of political thought, values have formed that constitute the core of civil culture. The genesis of the birth of the nucleus of civil culture from the thinkers of Antiquity, ideologists of nonviolent resistance, leaders of the French bourgeois revolution, activists of the “new left” movement to the protests of our time is shown. The basis for updating the protection of these values is the socio-political situation, characterized by the divergence of interests of civil society and ruling political groups. The values of the core of civil culture (freedom of speech, freedom of conscience, freedom of assembly, human rights) acquire an acute urgency in situations of power crisis. This is the time of the birth of new values that will mobilize new generations of protesters. Protest, as an act of protecting the values of the individual, is a measure of the level of development of political culture in the state. The protest — it's not just a mass exit of dissent on the area. This is an indicator of the level of self-awareness of citizens and the development of the political culture of society. The symbols of political protest actions are a special text that expresses the meanings of values. The authors present the results of a sociological study, which used comparative, value-semantic, interpretive approaches, studied the meanings and values of political protests of the 20th — early 19th centuries, analyzed visual and publicistic evidence of protest actions: photo and video materials, publications in the press.

scholarly journals Dyskursywnie o dyskursie

2006 ◽  
pp. 89-96
Author(s):  
Ewa Sławkowa
Keyword(s):  
Modern Human ◽  
Social Practices ◽  
Human Sciences ◽  
Feminist Discourse ◽  
History Of ◽  
Discourse Studies ◽  
Political Speeches ◽  
Characteristic Evolution ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S

The article presents a lexical and semantic study of the discourse, one of the most widespread terms of modern human sciences. We begin with etymology, and then demonstrate various stages of the development of the meaning of the term in the history of Polish. The lexem “discourse”, well established in the linguistic tradition of Polish, has undergone a characteristic evolution: first, a borrowing from Latin (discurere – “go in diverse directions”), it then became popular in the 16th through 18th centuries as a rhetorically marked Polish (particularly with the view of political speeches and sermons) to signal a kind of discussion and logical exposition of argumentation. Recent contemporary Polish gives this term a slightly archaic and bookish sense. At the same time, however, “discourse” has become a strictly scientific, scholarly term which carved for itself a special discipline of research (discourse studies). In the 1960s and 1970s the work of such linguists as Emile Benveniste or Roman Jakobsen helped to shape the meaning of discourse as a process of speaking, an interactive and dialogic communicative behaviour which sees language as conditioned by diverse social practices and/or ideologies (e.g. historical, scholarly, or feminist discourse).

Out of Empire into Socialist Modernity

2021 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 56-70
Author(s):  
Steffi Marung
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Intellectual History ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
History Of ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Relationship

AbstractIn this article the Soviet-African Modern is presented through an intellectual history of exchanges in a triangular geography, outspreading from Moscow to Paris to Port of Spain and Accra. In this geography, postcolonial conditions in Eastern Europe and Africa became interconnected. This shared postcolonial space extended from the Soviet South to Africa. The glue for the transregional imagination was an engagement with the topos of backwardness. For many of the participants in the debate, the Soviet past was the African present. Focusing on the 1960s and 1970s, three connected perspectives on the relationship between Soviet and African paths to modernity are presented: First, Soviet and Russian scholars interpreting the domestic (post)colonial condition; second, African academics revisiting the Soviet Union as a model for development; and finally, transatlantic intellectuals connecting postcolonial narratives with socialist ones. Drawing on Russian archives, the article furthermore demonstrates that Soviet repositories hold complementary records for African histories.

The cycle of the new left in the recent history of Argentina

2021 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 252-279
Author(s):  
Maria Cristina Tortti ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Social Order ◽  
New Left ◽  
Social Protest ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Recent Past ◽  
The Social ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
History Of ◽  
Multiple Actors

This paper aims at outlining the main processes that, in Argentina’s recent past, may enable us to understand the emergence, development and eventual defeat of the social protest movement and the political radicalization of the period 1960-70s.Here, as in previous papers, we resort to the concept of new left toname the movement that, though heterogeneous and lacking a unified direction, became a major unit in deeds, for multiple actors coming the most diverse angles coincided in opposing the vicious political regime and the social order it supported. Consequently, we shall try to reinstate the presence of such wide range of actors: their projects, objectives and speeches. Some critical circumstances shall be detailed and processes through which protests gradually amalgamated will be shown. Such extended politicization provided the frame for quite radical moves ranging from contracultural initiatives and the classism in the workers’ movement to the actual action of guerrilla groups. Through the dynamics of the events themselves we shall locate the peak moments as well as those which paved the way for their closure and eventual defeat in 1976.

Introduction

Stirrings ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 1-25
Author(s):  
Lana Dee Povitz
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Nonprofit Organizations ◽  
Low Cost ◽  
New Left ◽  
The United States ◽  
Community Control ◽  
Female Leaders ◽  
Food Activism ◽  
History Of ◽  
The 1960S

Using the conceptual lens of terroir, this chapter provides an overview of hunger and poverty in the United States, starting with the urban liberalism of the 1960s and tracing the onset of austerity politics from mid-1970s through the early 2000s. It shows how New York City food activism was connected to an array of apparently unrelated social movements, including American Communism, community control, the countercultural New Left, feminism, Black Power, and AIDS activism. As governments reduced spending on social programs, leaders from these movements formed nonprofit organizations geared toward providing services, such as emergency meals and low-cost groceries. This chapter offers an overview of why and how service provision came to absorb the attention of late-twentieth century activists and shows how nonprofit kitchens and offices became sites of mentorship. As charismatic, overwhelmingly female leaders passed on values and strategies forged in earlier eras, they enacted activist genealogies that helped sustain political involvement over decades. Powerful interpersonal bonds and people’s own sense of being transformed by their activism illuminate the underappreciated role of emotion in the history of left-progressive movements.

Catholic (Non)Feminism

2020 ◽  
pp. 70-104
Author(s):  
Mary J. Henold
Keyword(s):  
Catholic Church ◽  
Vatican Ii ◽  
Organizational Structures ◽  
National Council ◽  
Feminist Activism ◽  
Vatican Council ◽  
Catholic Women ◽  
History Of ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S

In this chapter, the history of the National Council of Catholic Women in the 1960s and 1970s – the years during and following Vatican II – is reassessed. The NCCW has been commonly perceived as a powerful anti-feminist organization for Catholic laywomen that was controlled by the Catholic hierarchy, but its archives reveal a sustained effort to engage with feminist ideas after the Second Vatican Council. Although most of the NCCW’s leadership did not self-identify as feminist, the group espoused many feminist beliefs, particularly about women’s leadership, opportunity, challenging ideas about women’s vocation, and women’s right to participate fully in the life of the Catholic church. The NCCW, under the leadership of Margaret Mealey, developed new organizational structures, educational programs, and publications to educate their membership about changing gender roles and the need to press the church for greater inclusion. Comparison to the international organization the World Union of Catholic Women’s Organizations (WUCWO), reveals the limitations of their feminism, however. Whereas WUCWO was willing to openly embrace feminism and feminist activism, NCCW was divided and preferred not to self-identify as feminist.

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