scholarly journals Voting Results Concurrent Election in Indonesia in 2019

Author(s):  
Maemunah Maemunah

Dalam konteks Indonesia yang sedang membangun peradaban politik yang sehat, penyelenggaraan pemilu tanpa kehadiran pengawasan struktural dan fungsional yang intens berpotensi mengakibatkan hilangnya hak pilih warga negara, bangkitnya politik uang, kampanye hitam, dan pemilu. yang tidak sesuai aturan. Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui hasil pemungutan suara pemilu serentak di Indonesia tahun 2019. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan deskriptif analitik. Berdasarkan hasil penelitian menunjukkaan bahwa pelaksanaan pemilu serentak merupakan sejarah baru di Indonesia karena pelaksanaan secara serentak mulai pemilihan cadidat tiangkat pusat hingga daerah.  Adanya pemilu serentak ini dapat memberikan catatan baru bila dibandingkan dengan pemilu sebelumnya, pemilu serentak ini menghasilkan beberapa hal penting terhadap pemilu Indonesia yaitu dapat mengefisiensi anggaran dana, partisipasi partai politik secara ketat, partisipasi peserta pemilu dan menghasilkan calon presdient dan wakil presiden, anggota legislative dan dewan perwakilan daerah yang terpilih sesuai pilihan rakyat.In the sense of Indonesia which is building a stable democratic civilization, it is possible to hold elections without intensive institutional and functional oversight that can result in the erosion of the rights of people to vote, an increase in money policy, black campaigns and elections. The rules don't suit. The goal of this paper is to determine the outcome of the 2019 simultaneous elections in Indonesia. This research uses an analytical-descriptive approach. The results show that the conduct of concurrent elections is a new history in Indonesia because the success begins at the same time from election of central to regional candidates. The simultaneous election will provide new records compared with previous elections, which will produce many critical elements in the Indonesian elections, namely the ability to simplify the budget, tight political party membership, participation of electoral participants and the presidential and vice-presidential candidates, parliamentarians and members of the Parliament.

2014 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 252
Author(s):  
Philip Cass

Review of: Politics and the Media, edited by Babak Bahador, Geoff Kemp, Kate McMillan and Chris Rudd. Auckland: Pearson, 2013. ISBN 978144255826A generaton after the capitalist roaders took over the New Zealand Labour Party, the country’s political landscape is bleak. As described in this new book, it is one in which no political party is interested in any ideology except staying in power, no party will do anything that might offend a focus group, PR hacks control policy, political party membership has all but disappeared, the public is almost totally disengaged and most of the media has neither the time, the skill nor the inclination to cover politics.


Author(s):  
Carlos Meléndez ◽  
Sebastián Umpierrez de Reguero

Despite existing literature that often conflates the terms party membership and party activism, the first is a formal ascription with a given party organization, while the second entails a set of practices, whether sporadic, informal, or devoted, that (a group of) individuals perform to support a political party either during an electoral campaign or more permanently, independently of being enrolled in the party or not. Party members and activists can be analyzed from both the normative model of democracy and the inner functioning of political parties. Focusing on Latin America, party membership and party activism are related to various types of party organizations, social cleavages, and party identification. Individuals join, and/or work for, parties to gain tangible benefits, information, social advantages, and influence, as well as mental satisfaction, without which they could lose financial resources, time, and alternative opportunities. Moreover, prior contributions on party membership and activism based on Latin American countries has emphasized the functions party supporters have as connectors between the citizenry and the party organizations. In this regard, scholars conceive members’ participation not only as a mechanism for party rootedness (“vertical” function), but also as a connection between social and partisan arenas (“horizontal” function). In the region, the research area of party membership and activism portrays virtues and limitations in methodological terms both at the aggregate and the individual level. As a future research agenda, party membership and activism in Latin America should be further studied using comparative strategies, avoiding the pitfalls of public opinion research, not to mention making additional efforts to keep the two terms conceptually distinct. Also, party members and activists can be explored in transnational perspective, joining forces with the blooming literature of political party abroad.


Author(s):  
Emilien Paulis

This article explores the development of my PhD dissertation’s methodological approach, based on Social Network Analysis (SNA), or the collection and analysis of network data, in order to deal with political parties and their members (party membership). I extensively relied on this alternative, growing methodological background in three extents. First (1), SNA was used to analyze bibliographic references related to my dissertation topic, i.e. party membership studies, and identify the most central authors, thereby illustrating the literature review while describing their key contributions. Second (2), SNA was employed to collect and analyze network data likely to better grasp how interpersonal networks affect the probability for a random citizen to turn into party member, assuming that social influence matters in the process of joining a political party. Third (3), I further capitalized on SNA to deal with the question of party activism and why some members become active whereas others remain passive, arguing theoretically and showing empirically that part of the answer lies in members’ position within their local party branch’s social network. Each of these three applications is discussed in the light of the main methodological developments, the empirical findings and their interpretation, while shortcomings and research opportunities are more systematically highlighted at the end.


Author(s):  
Susan E. Scarrow

Party membership has long been an important channel for political participation in many countries. Strong membership organizations have helped parties win elections and stay connected with voters between elections, and membership opportunities have helped to mobilize some citizens who might otherwise have stayed out of politics. Yet in the last quarter-century, long-established political parties in parliamentary democracies have, with a few notable exceptions, experienced sharp enrollment declines, while newer parties have developed modest memberships at best. This has led many observers to question the continued viability of membership-based political parties. However, that is not the whole story. While some signs point to the obsolescence of party membership, there are other indications that parties are trying to reinvent the form, whether as a passport to individual political empowerment or as a pathway to digital citizenship. Most strikingly, many parties are experimenting with new procedures that give members a direct say in important party decisions. In this sense, the paradoxical story of party membership in the early 21st century is one of numerical decline accompanied by a possible increase in political relevance.


2017 ◽  
Vol 66 (3) ◽  
pp. 541-559 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miguel Carreras

Previous studies of voter turnout in Latin America have found weak and inconsistent evidence for the link between political institutions and electoral participation. In this article, I use data from an expanded dataset of voter turnout in Latin America (1980–2016) to show that institutions do have an impact on citizens’ decisions on whether or not to participate in concurrent elections. Whereas previous studies analyzed the effect of legislative institutions on voter turnout, this article estimates a series of models that demonstrate the impact of presidential institutions and the political context surrounding presidential elections on electoral participation. The findings suggest that when first-order (presidential) and second-order (legislative) elections take place concurrently, electoral participation is influenced primarily by presidential institutions (term length, presidential powers, and electoral rules) and the electoral context in which the presidential elections take place (effective number of presidential candidates).


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dwi Putri Cahyawati ◽  
Bintan Saragih

Abstrak:Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat (selanjutnya disebut DPR) merupakan lembaga perwakilan rakyat, yang merupakan perwujudan dari ketentuan Pasal 1 Ayat (2) Undang-Undang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945. Secara sosiologis keberadaan DPR sebagai wakil rakyat merupakan amanat dari seluruh rakyat Indonesia yang harus dijalankan. Dalam praktek ketatanegaraan Indonesia, peran DPR sebagai lembaga perwakilan rakyat diwujudkan dalam bentuk fraksi, yang merupakan perpanjangan tangan partai politik dan lembaga DPR.  Fraksi dibentuk dengan maksud untuk mengoptimalkan   fungsi, tugas, dan wewenang DPR.Keyword: DPR, Partai Politik, Pemilu 


JALABAHASA ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 130
Author(s):  
Agus Khumaedy Al Chazim ◽  
Indrya Mulyaningsih ◽  
Tati Sri Uswati

Masyarakat menginginkan informasi yang akurat, aktual, serta faktual terutama tentang politik dan pemerintahan di Indonesia. Namun, masih ada surat kabar yang hanya memberitakan salah satu partai politik atau berpihak kepada salah satu partai politik maupun kader partai. Terkait dengan hal tersebut, perlu adanya penelitian tentang netralitas dan keberpihakan Fajar Cirebon melalui berita politik di bulan menjelang pemilihan presiden RI. Penelitian ini menganalisis berita bukan hanya dari segi makna, tetapi juga dari segi maksud, tujuan, dan konteks melalui pendekatan inklusi, eksklusi, serta representasi untuk mengetahui netralitas dan keberpihakan Fajar Cirebon terhadap calon presiden. Jenis penelitian ini adalah penelitian kualitatif. Data penelitian ini bersumber dari Fajar Cirebon edisi November 2018–Januari 2019 terbitan Senin sampai Jumat setiap minggunya. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa Fajar Cirebon merupakan surat kabar yang netral dan tidak berpihak karena menyajikan berita tentang semua pasangan calon presiden. The public wants accurate, actual, and factual information, especially about politics and government in Indonesia. However, there are still news papers which only preachone political party or side with one political party or partycadre. Related to this, there is a need for research on the neutrality and partiality of Fajar Cirebon through political news in the month leading up to the Indonesian President's election. This study analyzes the news not only in terms of its meaning, but also in terms of the purpose, purpose, and context of using the approach of inclusion, exclusion, and representation to determine the neutrality and partiality of Fajar Cirebon towards presidential candidates. This study uses a qualitative research approach. The data in this study are sourced from the November 2018–January 2019 edition of Cirebon, published Monday through Friday eachweek. The results of the study show that Fajar Cirebon is a neutral and impartial newspaper because presents news not only about one of the pairs of presidential candidates.


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