scholarly journals How Do California’s Local Governments Fund Surface Transportation? A Guide to Revenue Sources

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Asha Weinstein Agrawal ◽  
Kevin Yong Lee ◽  
Serena Alexander

California local agencies raise the revenue to support high-quality transportation services and infrastructure from a patchwork of federal, state, and local sources. To assist policymakers and transportation experts as they explore options for creating a more sustainable funding system, this report presents an overview of the taxes and fees that currently generate revenue ultimately dedicated to paying for transportation at the sub-state—or “local”—level. The discussion covers federal and state as well as local sources. The report also traces the evolving contribution from each level of government for expenditures on California’s local streets and roads and public transit, looking back two decades. The report concludes with a discussion of options for increasing local transportation revenue

1943 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-48 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arthur W. Bromage

Like all other aspects of public administration, intergovernmental relations are undergoing constant readjustment to the times and conditions. War so alters conditions in public affairs that federal-state-local realignments are taking place from month to month. Never before have so many administrative operations at the local level been guided by so many directives out of Washington. Coöperative government by federal-state-local authorities has become a by-word in the prodigious effort to administer civilian defense, rationing, and other war-time programs. The first year of war brought new forces into the field of administration, but developments have followed an evolutionary rather than a revolutionary pattern. Intergovernmental administration, while it is a part of all levels of government, is turning into something quite distinct from them all.The states have coöperated in passing war-time legislation; in ironing out transportation problems created by diverse state regulations; in controlling aliens and relocating Japanese-Americans; in foregoing construction of new public works; in building public works in war-affected communities where in-migration has resulted from concentrations of war industries and military personnel. New programs affecting the lives of all Americans, such as civilian defense, price control, and rationing, are making demands upon localities and states for intergovernmental action. In the absence of any complete overhauling of the federal-state-local tax systems, the Bureau of the Budget has written a new chapter in the intergovernmental field by giving a set of directives for state and local governments to follow or to ignore at their own risk.


2021 ◽  
pp. 147821032110343
Author(s):  
Eunju Kang

Instead of asking whether money matters, this paper questions whose money matters in public education. Previous literature on education funding uses an aggregate expenditure per pupil to measure the relationship between education funding and academic performance. Federalism creates mainly three levels of funding sources: federal, state, and local governments. Examining New York State school districts, most equitably funded across school districts among the 50 states, this paper shows that neither federal nor state funds are positively correlated with graduation rates. Only local revenues for school districts indicate a strong positive impact. Parents’ money matters. This finding contributes to a contentious discourse on education funding policy in the governments, courts, and academia with respect to education funding and inequality in American public schools.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (-) ◽  
pp. 27-30
Author(s):  
Vitalii ZIANKO ◽  
Tetiana NECHYPORENKO

The paper is devoted to the implementation of regional budget policy in Ukraine. The main vectors of budget policy development as a component of socio-economic policy at the local level are highlighted. Within the framework of the declared budget policy, the peculiarities of the formation and functioning of local (regional) budgets are considered. The interpretation of the definitions of "budget" and "policy" is presented, and the author's definition of the essence of the budget policy of the region is offered. The conceptual dominants of budget policy, the implementation of which takes place through the budget mechanism, are studied. It is proved that budget policy is an important lever of influence and a real reflection of the tactics and strategy of public authorities and local governments in the budget sphere. It is substantiated that the effectiveness of the implementation of regional budget policy directly depends on the sequence of steps aimed at increasing the level of competitiveness of the regions and overcoming the existing regional disparities. On the basis of generalization of thematic researches and practice the offers concerning application of levers of budgetary regulation which define a level of efficiency of budgetary policy of region are formulated. It is stated that the content of the budget policy of the region should be to determine the course, tasks and activities of the state and local governments in the field of formation and use of budget funds. Full implementation of the budget policy of the region stimulates the functioning of economic activity of administrative-territorial units, promotes rational budget planning, as well as the effective filling, distribution and use of local financial resources.


2018 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 279-289 ◽  
Author(s):  
Megan Skillman ◽  
Caitlin Cross-Barnet ◽  
Rachel Friedman Singer ◽  
Christina Rotondo ◽  
Sarah Ruiz ◽  
...  

As federal, state, and local governments continue to test innovative approaches to health care delivery, the ability to produce timely and reliable evidence of what works and why it works is crucial. There is limited literature on methodological approaches to rapid-cycle qualitative research. The purpose of this article is to describe the advantages and limitations of a broadly applicable framework for in-depth qualitative analysis placed within a larger rapid-cycle, multisite, mixed-method evaluation. This evaluation included multiple cycles of primary qualitative data collection and quarterly and annual reporting. Several strategies allowed us to be adaptable while remaining rigorous; these included planning for multiple waves of qualitative coding, a hybrid inductive/deductive approach informed by a cross-program evaluation framework, and use of a large team with specific program expertise. Lessons from this evaluation can inform researchers and evaluators functioning in rapid assessment or rapid-cycle evaluation contexts.


Government increasingly relies on nonprofit organizations to deliver public services, especially for human services. As such, human service nonprofits receive a substantial amount of revenue from government agencies via grants and contracts. Yet, times of crises result in greater demand for services, but often with fewer financial resources. As governments and nonprofits are tasked to do more with less, how does diversification within the government funding stream influence government-nonprofit funding relationships? More specifically, we ask: How do the number of different government partners and the type of government funder—federal, state, or local—influence whether nonprofits face alterations to government funding agreements? Drawing upon data from over 2,000 human service nonprofits in the United States, following the Great Recession, we find nonprofit organizations that only received funds from the federal government were less likely to experience funding alterations. This helps to illustrate the economic impact of the recession on state and local governments as well as the nonprofit organizations that partner with them.


Author(s):  
Margaret M. Mulrooney

A biracial Republican-Populist coalition gained power over state and local governments in the 1890s, and North Carolina’s Democratic Party responded with a vicious white-supremacy campaign. Meanwhile, a small group of old-time, elite, white businessmen launched what they called the “Wilmington Revolution” to end “Negro Domination” at the local level. Mulrooney contends that the 1898 Wilmington massacre and coup d’état were not aberrant events in the city’s history; rather, the instigators consciously replicated old patterns of behavior as a way to resolve mounting conflicts over race, place, and memory. Grounded in local elites’ interpretations of the 1770s and 1860s, the Wilmington revolution of 1898 occurred after lynching emerged in the 1880s as a spectacle of organized racist violence, while the mass media (newspapers, popular fiction, advertising, film) were shaping a national color line, and before southern progressives crafted their coherent vision of a modern, economically diversified, and racially segregated South.


2019 ◽  
pp. 184-208
Author(s):  
David M. Struthers

This chapter examines the World War One period in which the federal, state, and local governments in the United States, in addition to non-state actors, created one of the most severe eras of political repression in United States history. The Espionage Act, the Sedition Act, changes to immigration law at the federal level, and state criminal syndicalism laws served as the legal basis for repression. The Partido Liberal Mexicano (PLM), Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), and other anarchists took different paths in this era. Some faced lengthy prison sentences, some went underground, while others crossed international borders to flee repression and continue organizing. This chapter examines the repression of radical movements and organizing continuities that sustained the movement into the 1920s.


Author(s):  
Benjamin Ginsberg

Many Academics Who are troubled by the growing power of administrators on their campuses believe that their jobs are protected by tenure and their campus activities by academic freedom. Hence, they believe that they, personally, have little to fear from the advent of the all-administrative university. Yet, these unworried professors might do well to fret just a bit. Tenure does not provide absolute protection, and at any rate only about 30 percent of the current professorate is tenured or even on the tenure track. The remaining 70 percent are hired on a contingent basis and can be dismissed at any time. The question of academic freedom is more complex and more dispiriting. In recent years, the federal courts have decided that deanlets, not professors, are entitled to academic freedom. This proposition may be surprising to academics, who, usually without giving the matter much thought, believe they possess a special freedom derived from the German concept of Lehrfreiheit, which they think protects their freedom to teach, to express opinions, and to engage in scholarly inquiry without interference from university administrators or government officials. It certainly seems reasonable to think that professors should possess Lehrfreiheit. Academics play an important part in the production, dissemination, and evaluation of ideas, and a free and dynamic society depends on a steady flow of new ideas in the sciences, politics, and the arts. The late Chief Justice Earl Warren once opined that American society would “stagnate and die” if scholars were not free to inquire, study, and evaluate. Accordingly, he said, academic freedom “is of transcendent value to all of us and not merely to the teachers concerned.” Despite Chief Justice Warren’s endorsement, professors’ ideas and utterances do not have any special constitutional status. Like other Americans, professors have free speech rights under the First Amendment. In a number of cases decided during the 1950s and 1960s, the Supreme Court made it clear that the First Amendment offered professors considerable protection from the efforts of federal, state, and local governments to intrude on their freedom of speech and association.


2001 ◽  
Vol 43 (9) ◽  
pp. 29-36 ◽  
Author(s):  
W. Tennant ◽  
J. Sheed

Historically within most catchments, resource management programs have been planned and implemented in isolation of one another. This was once the case in the Goulburn Broken Catchment, a major catchment of the Murray Darling Basin, Australia. Although only 2% of the Murray Darling Basin's land area, the catchment generates 11% of the basin's water resources. Learning from the past, a cooperative and collaborative approach to natural resource programs has developed. This approach is the envy of many other catchment communities and agencies. Through a combination of “Partnership Programs”, “Operational Initiatives” and community involvement, significant programs have been implemented within the catchment, which will benefit not only the local community but communities further afield. The outcomes of the waterway health program highlight the benefits provided through the establishment of cooperative and partnership resource improvement programs. These programs were founded on the ability of the community to recognise the need for integration, base management decisions on best available science and an ability to work together. Their effective delivery has been provided through the resources provided, to the local community, by the Natural Heritage Trust with matching and State and local allocations. While programs have shown success, challenges still face the community. These challenges include verification and implementation of environmental flows, storage of the catchment's vital water resources, and maintaining community involvement and participation in on-going works programs. The Goulburn Broken Catchment community, with the support of Federal, State and Local Governments, is looking at opportunities for continued improvements in waterway health.


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