scholarly journals Thracology and Nationalism in Bulgaria. Deconstructing Contemporaneous Historical and Archaeological Representations

2017 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 85-110
Author(s):  
Ivan Marinov ◽  
Nicolas Zorzin

It is now widely acknowledged that Bulgarian academic discourses of the country’s so-called communist era (1945-1989) were heavily politicized with the aim of nationalizing and ethnicizing the history of the Bulgarian people. This communist era phenomenon subscribes to a chronologically vaster process of nationalist continuum recognized to have spanned from the middle-end of the nineteenth century to at least the early 1990s. Despite this trend, Bulgarian academics, especially in the field of archaeology, have more recently presented their post-communist, transition period disciplines as ideology-free, objective, scientific research. In this paper, we provide examples of recent theoretical developments and interpretations in the sub-field of thracology – studies of ancient Thracian culture – that indicate that this claim to objectivity is unfounded. Based on the examples provided we argue that not only have Bulgarian academic discourses in the fields in question not severed with the ethnicizing practices of the so-called nationalist continuum of the pre-communist and communist eras, but they are now flourishing on the nationalist foundation of the preceding century and a half. As such discourses are reproduced unquestioningly in specialized publications, their influence on right wing populism is incontestable as they provide the latter, wittingly or not, with the scientific authority it needs to justify its ethnicizing of “historical” tenets of racial and social discrimination.

German Angst ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 331-367
Author(s):  
Frank Biess

This chapter analyzes contemporary fears in the post-unification Berlin Republic since 1990. It first historicizes the slogan of a “German angst” that is often used to diagnose a German collective pathology. Instead, the chapter argues that the concept emerged in the 1980s and 1990s as part of a conservative critique of the West German environmental and peace movements. The chapter then analyzes the emergence of deterritorialized fears that were no longer primarily bound to a national context. These deterritorialized fears manifested themselves above all in the discussion of unified Germany’s place in the world, especially with respect to the question of German participation in military interventions. Similar fears emerged with respect to the increasing presence of the world in Germany—that is, with respect to immigrants and refugees. The chapter then seeks to locate the current mobilization of such fears by right-wing populist parties in the longer history of fear in postwar Germany. Right-wing populism is part of, and draws on, an expressive emotional culture, but it turns these fears against an ethnic or religious “other,” and at times also against the democratic state itself. The chapter concludes with a reflection on what a democratic politics of emotion might look like.


2005 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 73-80
Author(s):  
Kay Saunders

In 2001 I was invited to give a public lecture at the Centre for the Study of the History of the Twentieth Century, a scholarly research institute within the University of Paris. The invitation was extended by Professor Stephane Dufoix, who writes on the internment of enemy aliens in World War II, one of my academic specialisations. However, I was not asked to speak about this area of expertise. Indeed, it turned out to be a ‘Don't mention the war’ event. Rather, Professor Dufoix and his colleagues were fascinated by Pauline Hanson and were interested in an Australian perspective on the rise of extreme right-wing populism and the Down Under equivalent of the French les laissés-pour-compte (‘those left behind’) or les paumés (‘the losers’).


Lituanistica ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 66 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Titas Krutulys

The paper is focused on historical articles in the periodical press of 1904 to 1918 from a quantitative point of view. This period was significant because the year 1904 marks the beginning of the legitimate Lithuanian periodical press and also the period of Lithuanian political diversification, while 1918 starts the period of the Republic of Lithuania. History was an important part of the Lithuanian national movement and it helped to create the Lithuanian identity. On the other hand, the historical significance of historical articles in the Lithuanian periodical press is usually overrated or unclear. This study shows that during this period, historical articles make up only about 1.8 per cent of the whole list of topics of articles. Meanwhile, such themes as politics, economics, religion, and literature were much more popular. However, it also shows clear progress of Lithuanian historical articles from only 27 articles in 1904 to 358 articles in 1918. This progress was uneven and we can distinguish four quantitative upswings: in 1905, 1910, 1914, and 1918. Analysis of the most common topics in Lithuanian historical articles showed that the history of the Lithuanian countryside was the most popular. Thus, the history of places close to most of the Lithuanians living in the countryside was more common than the history of the Lithuanian cities. The most popular periods of Lithuanian history was the period from the thirteenth to the fifteenth centuries and the history of the nineteenth century. Among historical events, the most popular were the Battle of Žalgiris, the abolition of serfdom in 1861, and lifting the ban on the Lithuanian press in 1904. Foreign history was also quite popular in Lithuanian periodicals. The article also deals with the relation of different Lithuanian political ideologies to historical articles. While two right-wing political groups, Lithuanian nationalists and Lithuanian Christian Democrats, wrote widely on historical topics and especially liked the period of the thirteenth to the fifteenth centuries and the nineteenth century in Lithuanian history, the Lithuanian left-wing or centre-left political parties, Lithuanian Social Democrats and Lithuanian Democrats, wrote about the past and overall history of Lithuania much less: they were mostly interested in the history of the nineteenth century and in foreign history.


October ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 81-99
Author(s):  
John Hulsey

Abstract In this conversation, Andrea Fraser discusses her recent book, 2016 in Money, Museums, and Politics, which considers the imbricated relationships between plutocracy, political power, and cultural institutions in the United States. She discusses the 2016 election of Donald J. Trump and the rise of right-wing populism; the history of private philanthropy and museum patronage; recent activist campaigns demanding the resignation of museum trustees, such as Warren B. Kanders at the Whitney Museum of American Art; and the concept of “reflexive resistance.”


Author(s):  
Violet Showers Johnson ◽  
Gundolf Graml ◽  
Patricia Williams Lessane

Offers a brief international history of black oppression, exploitation and misrepresentation. The significant gains born out of the freedom struggles of the 1950s and 1960s are noted and reflected upon in the context of the persistent injustices and discrimination experienced by African-descended peoples around the world today. Parallels are drawn between the anti-immigrant rhetoric of Enoch Powell’s 1968 “Rivers of Blood” speech and the rise of right-wing populism across Europe in the early twenty-first century. The recent police killings of African-Americans are discussed in order to highlight the continuation of the black struggle in a post-civil rights USA. A broad overview of the contents of volume is then provided. Subjects and themes outlined range from the dynamics of the struggle against racism in a transnational context, to the disruption of socially constructed discourses on blackness via artistic and religious performativity, and the lesser known struggles of the Civil Rights Movement.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (6) ◽  
pp. 1166-1192
Author(s):  
Laura Kwak ◽  

The myth that Canada has resisted the “West’s populist wave” persists despite evidence that demonstrates otherwise. This article traces how the assumption that Canada has avoided the rise of right-wing populism and white nationalism is tethered to the fiction that Canada has been a raceless society. After briefly reviewing the myth of racelessness and the history of right-populism in Canada, the article explores how the Reform Party of Canada conceptualized “the people” in racialized terms. This article examines how the Conservative Party of Canada’s appeals to symbolic “diversity” and denial of systemic oppression have enabled more overt forms of racism. By examining the recent rise of hate crimes, this article makes the case that a direct link can be traced between the Conservative government’s seemingly neutral discourses about the preservation of Canadian “heritage” and “common values” and the re-emergence of right-wing populism and the re-emboldening of white nationalism in Canada. El mito de que Canadá ha resistido la “ola populista de Occidente” perdura a pesar de que se puede demostrar lo contrario. Este artículo expone que la aceptación generalizada de que Canadá ha evitado el auge del populismo de derechas y del nacionalismo blanco está unida a la ficción de que Canadá ha sido una sociedad sin razas. Tras repasar brevemente el mito de la ausencia de razas y la historia del populismo de derechas en Canadá, el artículo explora cómo el Partido Reformista de Canadá conceptualizó “el pueblo” en términos racializados, y examina cómo las apelaciones del Partido Conservador de Canadá a la “diversidad” simbólica y su negación de cualquier opresión sistemática han permitido formas más abiertas de racismo. Al analizar el aumento reciente de crímenes de odio, el artículo argumenta que se puede hallar un nexo directo entre el discurso aparentemente neutral del gobierno conservador sobre la defensa del “patrimonio” y los “valores comunes” de Canadá y el resurgimiento del populismo de derechas y el reforzamiento del nacionalismo blanco en Canadá.


2003 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 299-316 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hans-JüRgen Lechtreck

Two early nineteenth century texts treating the production and use of wax models of fruit reveal the history of these objects in the context of courtly decoration. Both sources emphasise the models' decorative qualities and their suitability for display, properties which were not simply by-products of the realism that the use of wax allowed. Thus, such models were not regarded merely as visual aids for educational purposes. The artists who created them sought to entice collectors of art and natural history objects, as well as teachers and scientists. Wax models of fruits are known to have been collected and displayed as early as the seventeenth century, although only one such collection is extant. Before the early nineteenth century models of fruits made from wax or other materials (glass, marble, faience) were considered worthy of display because contemporaries attached great importance to mastery of the cultivation and grafting of fruit trees. This skill could only be demonstrated by actually showing the fruits themselves. Therefore, wax models made before the early nineteenth century may also be regarded as attempts to preserve natural products beyond the point of decay.


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