Between Hospitality and Hostility: Public Attitudes and State Policies Toward Syrian Refugees in Turkey

Author(s):  
Sefa Secen ◽  
Mustafa Gurbuz

This article provides an overview of the public attitudes and state policies toward Syrian refugees in Turkey between 2011 and 2020. Turkey’s policies toward refugees and the Syrian conflict have gradually changed over the course of the last nine years (2011–2020). Turkey’s legal approach to Syrian refugees has transformed from nonrecognition to recognition and from recognition to integration. Likewise, its military strategy has grown from one of limited engagement into one of active engagement in the face of ISIS attacks and YPG’s consolidation of power in northern Syria. Contrary to the generous policies adopted toward Syrian refugees during the early years of the Syrian civil war, a nativist turn and the weaponization of refugees against the European Union came to characterize the country’s approach in recent years as the country became more involved militarily in the Syrian conflict.

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ernesto F. L. Amaral ◽  
Mahlet A. Woldetsadik ◽  
Gabriela Armenta

Since the Syrian civil war began in March 2011, over 6.1 million Syrians have been internally displaced, while an estimated 5.6 million more have fled the country. Within the European Union (EU), close to 1 million of these refugees have requested asylum in different countries, with Germany being the primary destination. Given that the Syrian conflict has already lasted for seven years, and with no short-term solution in sight, a strategy that addresses the evolving long-term issues of refugees in their host countries is essential.


2020 ◽  
Vol 27 (7) ◽  
Author(s):  
Andreas K Lindner ◽  
Joachim Richter ◽  
Maximilian Gertler ◽  
Marc Nikolaus ◽  
Gabriela Equihua Martinez ◽  
...  

Abstract Background The Syrian conflict has led to a dramatic increase of Old World cutaneous leishmaniasis (CL), triggered by continuous population displacements, disrupted control programmes, poor shelter and sanitation. Methods A retrospective patient record study was conducted at the Institute of Tropical Medicine and International Health in Berlin. Records of all refugees from Syria treated for CL between January 2015 and March 2020 were reviewed. Results Twenty refugees from Syria were treated. Seventeen refugees (85%) had complex lesions, mainly due to previous therapy failure or localization on the face. A long disease duration (50% > 1 year), pronounced facial scarring (20%), recurrences (20%), or worsening of existing lesions (20%) were observed. Nine patients (45%) had been pretreated in Syria. Complete remission was achieved in 10 of 16 patients (63%) treated with perilesional antimony. Eight patients (40%) required systemic treatment, thereof four (20%) repeated systemic treatment. Eight patients (40%) reported a delay of therapy ≥3 months in Germany, thereof one patient with a delay of 12 months and one patient with a delay of 32 months. Conclusion Between 2015 and 2020, Syrian refugees presented with severe morbidities of CL frequently requiring systemic and even consecutive systemic treatments. We assume a combination of socioeconomic and environmental factors associated with the ongoing Syrian conflict and migration to be responsible for the complex clinical presentations in this case series. More attention should be drawn to the situation of Syrian refugees with CL in countries where they are displaced to.


Author(s):  
Michael Keating

Public attitudes to the Union are complex. Citizens in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland are aware of the choice between British and local identity. Most of them combine both but with different intensities. Citizens in England are now willing to make the same distinctions. There has not been a marked increase in non-British identities in recent years but their political significance has changed. Support for independence in Scotland has increased and is linked to identity. Support for reunification in Northern Ireland fell after the 1999 settlement but has fluctuated since. In Wales, a narrow majority for devolution in the referendum of 1997 shifted towards broad support as the National Assembly (now Senedd) matured. Brexit led to an increase in support for Scottish independence and Irish reunification but not to a decisive degree. There has not been a significant increase in English identity or support for an English Parliament. Citizens in England are not mostly opposed to devolution for the other territories and are, by international standards, often relaxed about the prospect of the secession of Scotland and Northern Ireland. There is a clear link between strong English identity and support for leaving the European Union.


Author(s):  
William Franko ◽  
Christopher Witko

While most observers and scholars of inequality focus on how the federal government has created, or at minimum failed to respond to, inequality, in this book Franko and Witko argue that this nearly exclusive emphasis on Washington, DC, is misplaced. The authors explain that this federal inaction in the face of emerging economic problems is the norm in American history because of the structure of American government and the ability of organized interests to prevent policy change in Washington. The states led the fight against new economic problems during the Progressive Era and Great Depression, and the authors argue that the states are once again leading the fight against growing inequality, a trend they call the “new economic populism.” In contrast to federal institutions and practices that encourage inactivity, because of the variation in state economic problems, public attitudes, government ideology, and political institutions, it is likely that at least some states will confront growing economic problems. Using a variety of unique data and evidence, the authors demonstrate that the public is cognizant of rising inequality and that this growing awareness is associated with more egalitarian political and policy changes, including greater government liberalism, higher minimum wages, and more progressive tax systems. In contrast to the prevailing pessimism regarding income inequality, the authors argue that if history is a guide, these incipient state actions to reduce inequality are likely to spread to other states and even the federal government in the coming decades.


Author(s):  
Daniel E. Miller

While president of the Czech Republic between 2003 and 2013, Václav Klaus, an outspoken critic of the European Union, employed speeches, interviews, and writings as a means of discrediting the EU in the eyes of Czech citizens.  The author used opinion polls from Eurobarometer and the Public Opinion Research Center (CVVM) of the Czech Academy of Sciences to establish the correlation between Klaus’s popularity and Euroskepticism.  In the early years of Klaus’s presidency, scepticism about the EU among Czechs grew, and between 2006 and 2010, there was a strong correlation between Klaus’s popularity and Czech Euroskepticism.  As Klaus’s popularity waned during his last years in office, Czech confidence in the EU began to rise.  This study not only helps to explain some bases of Czech Euroskepticism, but it also addresses the influence Czech presidents have in shaping public opinion in their country.


2017 ◽  
Vol 71 (0) ◽  
pp. 0-0
Author(s):  
Olesia Radyszewska

The purpose of this study is to present selected aspects of complex issues of transformations in the public administration system of Ukraine, and changes of administrative law in the context of the European integration process. The author, on the one hand, points to new possible duties of public administration bodies created by the European integration process, and, on the other hand, raises attention to new challenges facing the public administration reform, in particular in the candidate states to the European Union, such as Ukraine. The author establishes strong links between the public administration reform and the European integration process. It is of great importance if an aspiring EU member is to prepare its administration well for the challenges of EU membership.


2021 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Şule Can

This article presents a reflexive ethnographic analysis of ‘refugee lives’ and borders and boundary-making in the Turkish borderlands. Since 2011, the humanitarian crisis as a result of the Syrian civil war, and the arrival at the European border zones of refugees crossing the Mediterranean, have occupied the news outlets of the world. Today the European Union and Turkey look for permanent ‘solutions’ and emphasize ‘integration’ as a durable response to forced migration. This essay explores reflexive dimensions of long-term-fieldwork with Syrian refugees at the Turkey-Syria border through an analysis of ethnographic encounters and the politics of belonging and place-making. Borders are often contested spaces that complicate the researcher’s positionality, which oscillates between a politically engaged subject position and the ‘stranger’ who encounters the ‘other’ and must negotiate her space. By examining the Turkish-Syrian border and Syrian refugees’ experiences in the border city of Antakya, this article offers a critical lens to view the identity and politics of the researcher and embodied geopolitics.


2005 ◽  
Vol 35 (140) ◽  
pp. 379-392
Author(s):  
Helmut Dietrich

Poland accepted the alien and asylum policy of the European Union. But what does it mean, in the face of the fact that most of the refugees don´t want to sojourn a lot of time in Poland, but want to join their families or friends in Western Europe? How the transfer of policies does work, if the local conditions are quite different than in Germany or France? The answer seems to be the dramatization of the refugee situation in Poland, especially the adoption of emergency measures towards refugees of Chechnya.


2012 ◽  
pp. 24-47
Author(s):  
V. Gimpelson ◽  
G. Monusova

Using different cross-country data sets and simple econometric techniques we study public attitudes towards the police. More positive attitudes are more likely to emerge in the countries that have better functioning democratic institutions, less prone to corruption but enjoy more transparent and accountable police activity. This has a stronger impact on the public opinion (trust and attitudes) than objective crime rates or density of policemen. Citizens tend to trust more in those (policemen) with whom they share common values and can have some control over. The latter is a function of democracy. In authoritarian countries — “police states” — this tendency may not work directly. When we move from semi-authoritarian countries to openly authoritarian ones the trust in the police measured by surveys can also rise. As a result, the trust appears to be U-shaped along the quality of government axis. This phenomenon can be explained with two simple facts. First, publicly spread information concerning police activity in authoritarian countries is strongly controlled; second, the police itself is better controlled by authoritarian regimes which are afraid of dangerous (for them) erosion of this institution.


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