Arab Regional System in the Shadow of Arab Change Movements: A Future Study

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (10) ◽  
pp. 65
Author(s):  
Marwan Salem Al Ali

There is no doubt in saying that the events of the Arab revolution, or the so-called media Arab Spring represents the largest shift in Arab political life since several decades. Which has become its complications and the effects of large-scale Arab regional order and his institution regulatory (League of Arab States), not to mention the effects of international. Though the cours of these revolutions and the final result has yet unknown, and unpredictable, what is absolutely clear is that it will be the important factors to reshape the political life in the Arab regional states, the expectation of a gualitative changes in the forms of ststes, and systems adjudicated. However, the current outlook on the future of the Arab regional system, in the long direct, does not look good, whether the standard is waiting for stability resident, or the return of the ability-albeit psychologically- on the expectation. Making it to be persistence in the draft comprehensive reform to keep pace with international development and there is a need to reform the Arab system and building official, after it has become reform therapy condom each is subjected to the Arab world from penetrating.. the future of the system depends on the evolution and change the units of political. If able to Arab political systems to promote democratic political institutions and expand popular participation, it will reflect positively on the performance and development of the Arab system and structure. In all cases, the League of Arab States bear mgarm Arab system and mganmh, therefore reform the university and the advancement no longer need to perpetuate Arab regime, but elevate it to respond to the will of the nation in the renaissance and unite and resist change project and retail bank and the uprooting of the root.

Author(s):  
Ahmed Khalil Ali Ahmed Khalil Ali

  It occupies the Yemen Arab Republic, the Republic of Somalia geographical area strategy and is located on the Red Sea entrance to the southwest of the Arabian Peninsula for Yemen and South Horn of Africa for Somalia and a surface area of ​​about two hundred thousand square kilometers, which is in this way, more like the box ever great strategic importance in the chessboard the Middle East region. Yemen and Somalia's recent history, began on the shores of the Red Sea, while the evacuation of Turks from Yemen in 1919 and the Declaration of Independence of the Republic of Somalia until the conflict broke out between the clans civil where these tribes were announced after its agreement to declare its political stabilits. This period, which lasted until the establishment of the Arab League in 1945, a dispute between the three camps, vying for the leadership of the Arab world has seen, namely: the Hashemites camp who are concentrated in Jordan, Iraq, and Camp Saudis who parcels Hashemites of the peninsula, and the camp of the Egyptians who had begun showing some interest Arab affairs. Yemen and Somalia have Anzmt to the League of Arab States The context of the events and indications in the political and economic scene in Yemen and Somalia is moving towards escalation addition overshadowed by the context of the crisis on the Arab arena, helped by the absence of future strategies that the major and important events, dominated the thought of permanence Ostmraraharb against change without analytical reading closer to the reality of the local strategic environment and regional and international Vtozmt data Which contributed to the accumulation of political, economic, social, educational, health, security and other problems in the context of crises warring tribes Under palaces strategic perspective and geostrategic, limited resources, and weak of will and national administration toward reform, as well as the form of violence to the weakness of economic power and political instability that arrived in an anonymous way for the future of Yemen and Somalia so has to be the future vision analysis according to data transformations and changes geostrategic theater Yemen and Somalia, from the consequences up to the expectations and the current implications in the strategic landscape of Yemen and Somalia are the secretions of a cumulative political, ideological, social, security, ethnic, tribal, regional, factional and spatial different in Yemen and Somalia, for this to spectra to be analytical vision for the future of Arab countries about the national security of Yemen and Somalia for political and economic stability to both countries. this means safe for the Arab States.


1990 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-20 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joe P. Dunn

Among the excellent national simulations available—the Harvard Model UN, Cleveland Model UN, Howard University Model Organization of African States, etc., and several regional models—the best may be the National Model League of Arab States, held annually in March at American University in Washington, DC. Sponsored by the Arab League Information Center and the National Council on U.S.-Arab Relations, the Model (in its seventh year in 1989) imitates the League of Arab States, an organization founded in 1945 for the purpose of coordinating issues related to Arab development and cooperation.College and university student delegations represent the 22 member states of the Arab nation. As they debate, lobby, and caucus, students learn about the interplay of the state system, international and regional organization, intra-Arab cooperation and conflict, issues of the region, and superpower impact upon the area. As participants gain greater understanding of the culture, concerns, achievements, and problems of the Arab world, they shed stereotypes, question prejudices, and begin to appreciate another perspective on regional issues.The Model League consists of plenary sessions, five committees (political, economic, social and cultural, legal, and Palestinian affairs), and a summit conference of the League Council. The bulk of time is spent in the committee sessions, where students introduce, debate, and build coalitions in support of resolutions. In the process, they practice parliamentary procedure and sharpen forensic and bargaining skills. Faculty advisors evaluate the delegations and nominate individuals for awards.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (9) ◽  
pp. 232 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zohra Lassoued ◽  
Mohammed Alhendawi ◽  
Raed Bashitialshaaer

This study aims to reveal the obstacles to achieving quality in distance learning during the Coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic and was based on a large sample of professors and students of universities in the Arab world (Algerian, Egyptian, Palestinian, and Iraqi). The primary aim of this research was to investigate the various ways in which students pursued their studies at home during the university suspension as a result of COVID-19. In this paper, the researchers use an exploratory descriptive approach through a questionnaire with a conveniently selected sample of 400 professors and student’s returns out of 600 were distributed. The results indicate that the professors and students faced self-imposed obstacles, as well as pedagogical, technical, and financial or organizational obstacles. Recommendations are presented to overcome and understand these obstacles to benefit in the future during unexpected or similar problems.


1970 ◽  
pp. 22-27
Author(s):  
Lebanese American University

Out of the twenty-two members of the League of Arab States, only eleven have ratified the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women


2020 ◽  
Vol 57 (2) ◽  
pp. 132-143
Author(s):  
Maximilian Felsch

After the Arab upheavals that began in 2011, Saudi Arabia became the most dominant power in the Arab world. While most of its Arab rivals experienced political and economic crises and disintegration, the Gulf monarchy began an unprecedented active and even interventionist foreign policy and increased its regional influence tremendously. Remarkably, most of this activism was not exercised unilaterally but within regional institutional frameworks, mainly of the League of Arab States (LAS) and the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC). This article investigates how Saudi Arabia gained institutional power within the LAS. The analysis is based on the LAS decisions at the Summit level before and after the Arab uprisings with regard to Saudi Arabia’s main foreign policy interests. The purpose of the article is to examine the essence of Saudi Arabia’s regional power. It also looks at the unforeseen revitalization of the LAS and allows predictions of the future of Arab regionalism in a changing Arab world.


1973 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 23-31
Author(s):  
Peter K. Bechtold

Although the Democratic Republic of Sudan has been an official member of the League of Arab States virtually since independence, the country has been frequently bypassed in studies of the Arab World—and for that matter, of Subsaharan Africa as well. And while successive Sudanese regimes have spoken of their country as a “bridge” between the Muslim Arab world and non-Muslim Black Africa, the foreign scholarly community has ironically treated this geographically largest country in Africa and the Middle East only in the most marginal terms.


1999 ◽  
pp. 276-309 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Markoff

Writing on the eve of the democratic breakthrough of the late eighteenth century, Jean-Jacques Rousseau gave vivid voice to a critique of the political institutions across the Channel that were admired by so many French reformers of the day. Commenting scornfully on British electoral practice, he observed in 1762 that:"The people of England regards itself as free, but it is gravely mistaken. It is free only during the election of Parliament. As soon as they are elected, slavery overtakes it, and it is nothing. The use it makes of the short moments of liberty it enjoys merits losing them." Rousseau's contention about the limitations of electoral institutions was in no way superseded by the age of democratic revolution that followed. From the 1790s to the present, there have been recurrent complaints about the depth of popular involvement in political life, the reality of popular control over powerholders, and the possibility that the existence of some form of institutional channel for participation could blind publics to the inadequacy of that participation. Rousseau's critique has repeatedly reappeared in one form or another and has informed movements for a more genuine democratization.


2014 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rebecca J. Griffiths ◽  
Matthew M. Chingos ◽  
Richard Spies ◽  
Christine Mulhern

To address the paucity of data on the use of MOOCs in “traditional” postsecondary institutions, Ithaka S+R and the University System of Maryland studied the feasibility of repurposing MOOCs for use in hybrid, credit-bearing courses. In this paper we will describe the design of a large-scale study undertaken to examine the use of MOOCs in fourteen campus-based courses, followed by two types of findings: First, we will share quantitative outcomes from students in hybrid sections, comparing students who took MOOCs with those who were taught in a traditional face-to-face manner; second, we will share qualitative findings on the opportunities and challenges presented by the use of MOOCs on campus. Finally, we will reflect on what would need to occur in order for these models to see widespread adoption in the future.


2021 ◽  
pp. 194277862199911
Author(s):  
Stefan Peter Norgaard

Building on recent work by Timothy Mitchell, this article interrogates the concept of capitalization, understood here specifically as models of extracting or capturing streams of future revenue for the present. In the context of urbanizing Ethiopia, national political and business leaders, international-development actors, and academics leverage agrarian–industrial transformations to persuade and justify monetizing the future through capitalization. I argue that far from a speculative mechanism to gain competitive advantage and accrue more investments later, Ethiopian development projects reveal how capitalization has a very physical and tangible footprint, serving to commodify the future, now. Ethiopian capitalization requires deep political and juridical continuities, revealed in institutional and developmental through lines from the country’s Derg regime to present governance by the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). Drawing on historical and contemporary archival analysis, I conceptually interrogate the process and effects of capitalization in Ethiopia first theoretically, and then through two spatially distinct cases of agrarian–industrial transformation in Ethiopia—the Gibe III Dam and the ongoing transformation of the New Ethiopian Sustainable Town (NESTown) initiative by private developers and government actors. Gibe III echoes past large-scale hydroelectric projects and NESTown echoes a history of villagization, “planned cities,” and high-modernist state-building. The cases show how historical and contemporary visions for “development” in Ethiopia steer toward models of greater capitalization, with outcomes that destroy ecosystems and livelihoods. These findings reveal capitalization’s presence and footprints, and suggest more radical institutional arrangements that do not force Ethiopia to financialize its future.


Author(s):  
E. V. Klimenko ◽  
N. S. Buslova

The article is devoted to the consideration of ways to solve one of the actual problems in theory and methodology of training and upbringing — the problem of developing professional skills of future informatics teacher. As a way to adapt students to the profession, the possibility of their involvement in social designing was chosen. Participation in social projects contributes to the approbation and introduction of new forms and methods in teaching informatics. Expanding the experience of future teachers in carrying out large-scale events contributes to the formation of a socially adapted personality competitive in modern society. The potential of a social project in consolidating the knowledge and skills obtained during the theoretical training at the university is indicated. In the article, theoretical reasoning is accompanied by examples of real social projects and activities aimed at the formation of professional competencies of future informatics teachers.


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