scholarly journals The importance of the geopolitical location of Yemen and Somalia and their impact on Arab security: أهمية الموقع الجيوبولتكي لليمن والصومال وأثرهما على الأمن العربي

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 36-17
Author(s):  
Ahmed Khalil Ali Ahmed Khalil Ali
Keyword(s):  
Red Sea ◽  
Arab World ◽  
Geographical Area ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
Health Security ◽  
The Future ◽  
Arab League ◽  
Arab States ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Strategic Perspective

  It occupies the Yemen Arab Republic, the Republic of Somalia geographical area strategy and is located on the Red Sea entrance to the southwest of the Arabian Peninsula for Yemen and South Horn of Africa for Somalia and a surface area of ​​about two hundred thousand square kilometers, which is in this way, more like the box ever great strategic importance in the chessboard the Middle East region. Yemen and Somalia's recent history, began on the shores of the Red Sea, while the evacuation of Turks from Yemen in 1919 and the Declaration of Independence of the Republic of Somalia until the conflict broke out between the clans civil where these tribes were announced after its agreement to declare its political stabilits. This period, which lasted until the establishment of the Arab League in 1945, a dispute between the three camps, vying for the leadership of the Arab world has seen, namely: the Hashemites camp who are concentrated in Jordan, Iraq, and Camp Saudis who parcels Hashemites of the peninsula, and the camp of the Egyptians who had begun showing some interest Arab affairs. Yemen and Somalia have Anzmt to the League of Arab States The context of the events and indications in the political and economic scene in Yemen and Somalia is moving towards escalation addition overshadowed by the context of the crisis on the Arab arena, helped by the absence of future strategies that the major and important events, dominated the thought of permanence Ostmraraharb against change without analytical reading closer to the reality of the local strategic environment and regional and international Vtozmt data Which contributed to the accumulation of political, economic, social, educational, health, security and other problems in the context of crises warring tribes Under palaces strategic perspective and geostrategic, limited resources, and weak of will and national administration toward reform, as well as the form of violence to the weakness of economic power and political instability that arrived in an anonymous way for the future of Yemen and Somalia so has to be the future vision analysis according to data transformations and changes geostrategic theater Yemen and Somalia, from the consequences up to the expectations and the current implications in the strategic landscape of Yemen and Somalia are the secretions of a cumulative political, ideological, social, security, ethnic, tribal, regional, factional and spatial different in Yemen and Somalia, for this to spectra to be analytical vision for the future of Arab countries about the national security of Yemen and Somalia for political and economic stability to both countries. this means safe for the Arab States.

Arab League

1959 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 653-653 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Economic Integration ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
The State ◽  
Secretary General ◽  
United Arab Republic ◽  
Arab League ◽  
Arab States ◽  
Relief Program ◽  
State Of Israel ◽  
Dag Hammarskjold

According to press reports from Beirut, Lebanon, on August 11 and 18, 1959, representatives of nine Arab states—all the members of the Arab League except Tunisia—were preparing a lengthy reply to the suggestion of Mr. Dag Hammarskjold, Secretary-General of the UN, that the Palestine refugees being sheltered by various Arab countries be economically integrated into these countries. Spokesmen for the Arab states declared at the end of a tenday conference that they would unanimously support the refugees' demand to return to their homes in what had become the state of Israel; this was tantamount to rejection of Mr. Hammarskjold's proposal to spend $1.5–$2 billion within the next five years to create productive jobs for about one million refugees living in Arab lands. Although the Secretary-General had asserted that economic integration would not prejudice any rights of the refugees, the Arabs interpreted the plan to mean that the refugees would be permanently resettled among them. Apparently the only part of Mr. Hammarskjold's report that was acceptable to the Arabs was that calling for the continued existence of the UN Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA), the organization administering the relief program for refugees in Lebanon, Jordan, and the United Arab Republic.

The Arab World, Culture and Information Technology

2009 ◽  
pp. 123-131
Author(s):  
Mohamed El Louadi
Keyword(s):  
Arab World ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
It Adoption ◽  
World Culture ◽  
Language And Culture ◽  
Arab Culture ◽  
Oil Resources ◽  
Arab League ◽  
The Devil ◽  
Modern Technologies

In 801, Harun Rashid offered Charlemagne a water clock, the like of which was inexistent in all of Europe at that time; the King’s court thought that a little devil was hidden inside the clock. In the 1930s, King Abdulaziz of Saudi Arabia had to convince his people that the radio was not the making of the devil and that it could in fact be used to broadcast and spread the Quran. In 2003, the Arab region is found to be still lagging in modern technologies adoption (UNDP, 2003). Thus, in a little more than 11 centuries, the Arabs were transformed from leaders to adopters, then to late adopters as far as technologies are concerned. The Arab world is taken to mean the 22 members of the Arab League, accounting for more than 300 million people with an economy of 700 billion dollars. Although most Arabs practice Islam, they represent less than one third of all Muslims. The Arab world is often thought of as economically prosperous due to its oil resources; yet its total GDP is lower than that of Spain (UNDP, 2003). Arab countries share language and culture but differ in size, geography, demographics, government type, etc. In terms of spending in and use of IT, statistics portray the Arab world as far from being up-to-date (UNDP, 2003). This article raises the question of whether existing research models are appropriate to explain this delay. If certain characteristics proper to the Arab culture play an important role in explaining the delay in IT adoption, then we anticipate the answer to be that no existing model is able to adequately study the IT adoption phenomena in the Arab world.

scholarly journals CEDAW in the Arab World and the Reservations Presented by Arab Countries

1970 ◽  
pp. 22-27
Author(s):  
Lebanese American University
Keyword(s):  
Arab World ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
Arab States ◽  
League Of Arab States

Out of the twenty-two members of the League of Arab States, only eleven have ratified the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women

Arab Regional System in the Shadow of Arab Change Movements: A Future Study

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (10) ◽  
pp. 65
Author(s):  
Marwan Salem Al Ali
Keyword(s):  
International Development ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Arab World ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Regional System ◽  
The Future ◽  
Arab States ◽  
League Of Arab States ◽  
The University

There is no doubt in saying that the events of the Arab revolution, or the so-called media Arab Spring represents the largest shift in Arab political life since several decades. Which has become its complications and the effects of large-scale Arab regional order and his institution regulatory (League of Arab States), not to mention the effects of international. Though the cours of these revolutions and the final result has yet unknown, and unpredictable, what is absolutely clear is that it will be the important factors to reshape the political life in the Arab regional states, the expectation of a gualitative changes in the forms of ststes, and systems adjudicated. However, the current outlook on the future of the Arab regional system, in the long direct, does not look good, whether the standard is waiting for stability resident, or the return of the ability-albeit psychologically- on the expectation. Making it to be persistence in the draft comprehensive reform to keep pace with international development and there is a need to reform the Arab system and building official, after it has become reform therapy condom each is subjected to the Arab world from penetrating.. the future of the system depends on the evolution and change the units of political. If able to Arab political systems to promote democratic political institutions and expand popular participation, it will reflect positively on the performance and development of the Arab system and structure. In all cases, the League of Arab States bear mgarm Arab system and mganmh, therefore reform the university and the advancement no longer need to perpetuate Arab regime, but elevate it to respond to the will of the nation in the renaissance and unite and resist change project and retail bank and the uprooting of the root.

The Impact of Strategic Practice Maturity on Arab States' Performance

2019 ◽  
pp. 1-29
Author(s):  
Fayez Albadri
Keyword(s):  
Best Practices ◽  
Strategic Management ◽  
Arab World ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
Management Concepts ◽  
Strategic Goals ◽  
Arab States ◽  
The Difference ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Goals And Objectives

This chapter introduces the development of strategic management as a formal discipline and provides an overview of strategic management concepts, models, and best practices, highlighting the difference between strategic thinking, planning, and management. It then zooms into the current strategic practice in different Arab countries to formulate a reasonable understanding of the effectiveness of such practice in serving governments and organizations to achieve their national strategic goals and objectives. The study employs a mix of research and evaluation tools, derived from the literature and best practices, to assess the maturity levels of the adopted strategic practice by Arab states and examines its relationship to and impact on government performance, in particular that which is related to achieving social justice, sustainable development, and democracy. In conclusion, the outcome of the investigation is used to suggest solutions to drive improvement to the current strategic practice in the Arab world.

scholarly journals Management Governance Analysis in the Arab World: MANOVA Approach

2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Mahmoud MOURAD
Keyword(s):  
Human Development ◽  
Human Development Index ◽  
Differential Effect ◽  
Economic Freedom ◽  
Arab World ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
Degree Of Freedom ◽  
Development Index ◽  
Gcc Countries ◽  
Arab States

This paper studies 17 Arab States, human development index (HDI), and 11 time series which represent the basic indicators of governance. These variables are freedom of trade, freedom of property, freedom of economy, freedom of finance, freedom of corruption, freedom of fiscal, freedom of money, freedom of enterprise, freedom of investment, freedom of work, and freedom of government spending. A multivariate variance analysis (MANOVA) was used to test whether a differential effect exists between the Arab countries, by first focusing on the types of regimes (monarchical or republican), and second on the group of Arab countries belonging to the GCC and the rest of Arab states. Our statistical results indicate a differential effect by the type of political system on the following governance variables: corruption, freedom of trade, freedom of economy and freedom of property. Statistically speaking, in republican regimes, low values associated with the degree of freedom of corruption show that corruption is high and that it severely limits the freedom of individuals. Similarly, freedom of trade and freedom of economy in these regimes have more legislative or regulatory limitations, and little economic freedom compared to monarchies. Finally, concerning the degree of freedom of property, there are more expropriations and a higher level of corruption in the process of buying and selling goods. The inspection of the MANOVA results clearly indicates that the GCC countries are distinguished from other Arab countries based on six governance variables and the HDI indicator. Indeed, in the Arab countries of the GCC, we identify weaker corruption levels, a freedom of trade with less legislative or regulatory limits, a greater economic freedom, a fiscal freedom close to 100 (this means that the burden of paying taxes is lower and consequently individuals and companies have little tax liability), a fluctuated controlled monetary freedom, the human development index (HDI) is significantly higher, and finally a freedom of property with less expropriations and a lower level of corruption in the sale or purchase of goods. The high values of the HDI indicator in the GCC countries are partly explained by the indicator of gross domestic product per capita (IGDP) which is very high in those countries.

The future of change in the Arab world: towards an exit plan from the current Arab impasse

2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 282-301
Author(s):  
Khair el-Din Haseeb
Keyword(s):  
Arab World ◽  
Second World War ◽  
Current Situation ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
External Factors ◽  
World War ◽  
Internal Factors ◽  
The Future ◽  
Second World

This paper attempts to trace the achievements and failures that have affected the Arab nation (the Ummah), and the impediments that have been strewn in its path, preventing the realization of the visions it had for its future, since the end of the Second World War. It discusses the reasons behind the subjugation of the Arab nation to the hegemonic interests of external factors, primary actors and stakeholders. It elaborates on how foreign interests and interventions have conspired, along with internal factors and determinants endemic to the various infrastructures of Arab regimes, to fragment the Arab nation and perpetuate the divisions between the Arab countries and their underdevelopment/backwardness. It analyses the current situation, and proposes a set of recommendations that may help to extricate it from the current impasse in which the Arab nation is blocked.

scholarly journals Green Financing and Sustainable Development in the Arab World: التمويل الأخضر والتنمية المستدامة في الوطن العربي

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (7) ◽  
Author(s):  
Yaser Ahmed Shaheen
Keyword(s):  
Green Infrastructure ◽  
Arab World ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
Environmental Conservation ◽  
Green Economy ◽  
Green Finance ◽  
Raising Awareness ◽  
Green Development ◽  
The Future ◽  
Market Needs

The aim of the research is to clarify the concept of green financing, the future of green financing in the Arab world, and how to build green financing tools capable of achieving sustainable green development. The study relied on the inferential approach after reviewing the literature and previous studies, as well as a description of the experiences of some Arab countries in the field of green finance and environmental conservation. Results of the study show that there are major challenges facing the Arab economy in the form of environmental change and the need for financing. The study confirmed that the demand for green financing will be strong in the future and that the Arab world has great potential to create a green infrastructure, The researcher recommended strengthening the legal and contractual aspects of green financing by the supervisory authorities, raising awareness among the lenders to provide financing tools adaptable to the requirements of environmentally friendly business, and providing incentives by governments to banks and lending agencies to enhance green financing, and integrate the market needs related to the green economy within education systems And vocational training.

scholarly journals Gender and Citizenship in the Arab World

1970 ◽  
pp. 8-18
Author(s):  
Suad Joseph
Keyword(s):  
Arab World ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
Eastern Region ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Arab States ◽  
And Gender ◽  
The Comparative Study ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Modern Nation State

This paper investigates the impact of cultural and gender systems in the production of the unequal relationships of Arab women and men to the laws and practices of citizenship. I analyze key laws, social practices, and institutions through which citizenship in Arab states has privileged a masculine citizen. Given that citizenship is mandatory in the modern “nation-state” (Zubaida, 1988), it is striking to observe the reality that the modern “nation-state” has mandated a masculine citizen. Many of the issues affecting the gendering of citizenship in Arab countries appear to be specific to Arab states. Many are shared within the Middle Eastern region. Other issues are similar to patterns found in Third World countries. And some appear to be common to state societies in general. We need to both challenge the misplaced assumptions of cultural homogeneity in the Arab world, as well as sharply identify the patterns which are specific to the gendering of citizenship in Arab states. Therefore, while the focus of this paper is the gendering of citizenship in Arab states, it is my aim to contribute towards the comparative study of processes, which lead to the gendering of citizenship in order both to deessentialize Arab cultures and to understand their specificities.

scholarly journals Democratization in the Muslim World

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frédéric Volpi ◽  
Francesco Cavatorta
Keyword(s):  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
Political System ◽  
Arab World ◽  
Geographical Area ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
Muslim World ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Individual Rights ◽  
Islamic Religion ◽  
Muslim Majority

The issue of the democratization of the Muslim world has puzzled scholarship since the end of the Cold War, when the third wave of democratization swept across the world but seemed to bypass most Muslim-majority countries, particularly the Arab world. Central to the debate about democratization in the Muslim world is the relationship between the Islamic religion and the political system supposedly bound up with it. As we will see, for some authors there is an inherent contradiction between the precepts of the Muslim faith and the requirements of democracy, while for others the two can be compatible or causally separated. When the debate on democratization is framed in these terms, it becomes very important to specify the definitions, issues, and processes investigated and evaluated to avoid confusion. When discussing processes of democratization—the move away from authoritarian practices to a political system based on political pluralism—there is a tendency in the literature to consider primarily the emergence of a very specific form of democracy: liberal democracy. There is therefore an important difference between democracy and democratization. Democratization is concerned with the introduction of democratic mechanisms and procedures and not necessarily with the granting of extensive liberal individual rights. One can then imagine a democratic political system where individual rights are limited and focus on the minimal requirements for equal political participation. Liberal democracy for its part is concerned with democratic political systems seeking to operationalize the progressive extension of different liberal individual rights. When this distinction is taken into account, it becomes easier to interpret and explain the changes—or absence thereof—occurring across the Muslim world. At this stage, a further distinction is necessary: the one between the Muslim world as a geographical area, in which people belonging to the Muslim faith are the majority or a very significant part of the population, and an Islamic system in which religious precepts actually organize social and political life. In this respect, one finds that a significant number of Muslim-majority countries can be labeled procedural democratic, while authoritarianism characterizes in fact the Arab world (with exceptions) and not the Muslim world per se, suggesting that there is nothing inherently antidemocratic in the Islamic religion. It should also then be noted that an Islamic system is actually in place in a very limited number of countries and that authoritarianism in Muslim and Arab countries is commonly not the product of the adoption of an Islamic system of government.

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