I tre presidenti (ma ce n'č un quarto). La Costituzione Repubblicana secondo Schifani, Fini e Berlusconi

2009 ◽  
pp. 12-16
Author(s):  
Sante Cruciani
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Popular Sovereignty ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Bill Of Rights ◽  
Public And Private ◽  
Political Pluralism ◽  
Government Action ◽  
Constituent Assembly ◽  
Silvio Berlusconi

- After the Popolo della Libertŕ's win at the 13th and 14th of April 2008 elections, most of the Newscasts on both public and private television welcomed the inaugural speeches made by the President of the Senate Schifani, the President of the Chamber Fini and the Prime Minister Berlusconi as the confirmation of the Italian right wing tradition of government. Looking closer, apart from the formal tributes towards President Napolitano, the three inaugural speeches introduce a substantial breach as regards republican democracy, the balance of popular sovereignty, parliamentary representation and government action, the recognition of the plurality of creeds and religious confessions, of cultural and political pluralism, and the synthesis of the rights of freedom and equality resolutely pursued by the Constituent Assembly. The entire system of the equilibrium of powers between the State bodies and a central part of the bill of rights of the republican Constitution is brought into discussion: with the predominance of the principle of freedom over the principle of equality, the democratic game is bereft of the fundamental dialectics between freedom and equality perceived by Norberto Bobbio as the inseparable nucleus of modern constitutionalism. Thus, it has to be the historian's task to try and re-establish a virtuous circle between politics, culture and the ability to intervene in the most delicate topics concerning the quality of Italian democracy today. Key words: Republican Constitution, Freedom/Equality, Renato Schifani, Gianfranco Fini, Silvio Berlusconi, Norberto Bobbio, Gustavo Zagrebelski, Politics/Culture, Italian Democracy.

scholarly journals Surveillance at the Roots of Everyday Interactions: Japan’s Conspiracy Bill and its Totalitarian Effects

2017 ◽  
Vol 15 (3/4) ◽  
pp. 477-485 ◽  
Author(s):  
Midori Ogasawara
Keyword(s):  
Criminal Justice ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
State Power ◽  
Constitutional Rights ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Public And Private ◽  
The Past ◽  
Authoritarian Government ◽  
The Government

Japan’s ultra-right wing government, led by Prime Minister Shinzo Abe since 2012, has been enforcing a number of controversial laws, such as the Secrecy Act and Security Act, which have enhanced surveillance and militarism. Without changing the Constitution, these laws allow the government to undermine the constitutional rights for individuals. The Conspiracy Law, Abe’s next attempt, focuses on placing people’s everyday communications under scrutiny. Against the modern principal of criminal justice, this law criminalizes the communications regarding crimes, without any criminal actions. Due to its extensively invasive character, the bill has been cancelled three times in the Diet in the past decade, but Abe insists that it is necessary for a successful running of 2020 Olympic in Tokyo as an anti-terror measure. While the Olympic gives the authoritarian government the best opportunity to incite nationalism and stabilize the rule, as the Nazi performed in 1936, surveillance comes forth to eliminate both public and private communications that question, criticize or counter the legitimacy of state power.

scholarly journals Impacts of India’s Transit Warfare against Nepal

2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 266 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bishnu Pathak
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
South Asian ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Constitutional Amendment ◽  
New Delhi ◽  
Public And Private ◽  
Constituent Assembly ◽  
The World ◽  
Oxygen Gas ◽  
Asian People

<p><em>Nepal promulgated the New Constitution with signatures of 90 percent of the Constituent Assembly (CA) II members on September 20, 2015</em><em>.</em><em> The world congratulated Nepal for its success, but Nepal’s roji-roti-beti closest neighbor India sent a cold-note and a mild-warning. India informally conveyed a proposed 7-point constitutional amendment the following day supporting 10 percent of Nepal’s CA II, which are agitating Madhesi groups. Such amendments interfere with landlocked Nepal’s sovereign and internal affairs, but Nepal was full of confusion in answering it. Moreover, India initiated an undeclared transit trade warfare, blocking Nepo-India borders. The blocking at borders is freezing the life of all Nepalis. Now Nepal suffers from an acute shortage of cooking and oxygen gas, gasoline, medicines and other daily humanitarian supplies. Hospitals have stopped normal operations in the lack of medicines and oxygen gas. No gasoline is being provided to public and private vehicles except security officials. Only emergency flights are operating. Worse still, India’s transit warfare was conducted in a period when Nepo-China borders were blocked by the post-Earthquake. India’s proposed Amendment in the Constitution for Madhesi groups is just a drama; clearly the myopic interest of India is to control Nepal’s natural resources and to restore the Hindu Kingdom. Ranjit Rae, India’s Ambassador to Kathmandu gathering agitating Tarai-Madhes leaders into the Embassy just before Prime Minister</em><em>’</em><em>s election said, “The winning of Oli as a Prime Minister of Nepal is a defeat of India”</em><em> </em><em>(Ratopati</em><em>,</em><em> 2015). Rae further hurts the Nepali as he followed Goebbels’ style of reporting to New Delhi. As a result, angry masses are displaying arson effigies of India and PM Modi across the country ranging in Tarai, Hill and Mountain. The 21st century’s great socialist leader Modi now becomes known as a bully leader in the eyes of Nepali and South Asian people. And his popularity is plummeting each and every day. If the talented and clever Modi does not abandon his ego and ambition, he might do suicide in the same way Nepal’s former King Mahendra did in 1972 when he honestly realized the error of his past mistakes and wrongdoings. Nepal now turns to United Nations against India’s shadow-boxing to achieve landlocked country’s sovereign rights and other concerned rights.</em></p>

SERVICE QUALITY OF PUBLIC AND PRIVATE PHYSIOTHERAPY INSTITUTES: A COMPARATIVE STUDY IN LAHORE

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roohi Abbas
Keyword(s):  
Physical Therapy ◽  
Service Quality ◽  
Cross Sectional Study ◽  
Quality Of Services ◽  
Sectional Study ◽  
Cross Sectional ◽  
Public And Private ◽  
Quality Dimensions ◽  
Service Quality Dimensions

Background: Ever since quality of services is gaining importance in every industry as it is the indicator of consumer/customer satisfaction, it is of utmost importance to measure service quality of educational institutes to determine the satisfaction of students. Thus, the study aimed to determine the important factors in service quality dimensions which contribute to the satisfaction of students. Methods: This was a Comparative Cross Sectional study in which final year department of physical therapy (DPT) students were included from three private and three public physiotherapy institutes. Results: The largest mean Positive Gap scores for Public Physiotherapy Institutes was 0.18 for accessibility and affordability 0.18. The largest negative mean gap score for Private Physiotherapy domain was “Accessibility and Affordability” found to be -1.96. Conclusion: Students were satisfied with service quality of private institutes in all domains except for the “Accessibility and Affordability” whereas, in Public Institutes largest negative quality gaps were found in “Empathy” and “Assurance”.

Urban Transport

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
José van
Keyword(s):  
Urban Areas ◽  
Urban Transport ◽  
Transport Sector ◽  
Public And Private ◽  
Transport Services ◽  
Ride Sharing ◽  
The World ◽  
Private And Public ◽  
Selection Mechanisms

Platformization affects the entire urban transport sector, effectively blurring the division between private and public transport modalities; existing public–private arrangements have started to shift as a result. This chapter analyzes and discusses the emergence of a platform ecology for urban transport, focusing on two central public values: the quality of urban transport and the organization of labor and workers’ rights. Using the prism of platform mechanisms, it analyzes how the sector of urban transport is changing societal organization in various urban areas across the world. Datafication has allowed numerous new actors to offer their bike-, car-, or ride-sharing services online; selection mechanisms help match old and new complementors with passengers. Similarly, new connective platforms are emerging, most prominently transport network companies such as Uber and Lyft that offer public and private transport options, as well as new platforms offering integrated transport services, often referred to as “mobility as a service.”

Sovereignty, the Corporate Religious, and Jurisdictional/Political Pluralism

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jean L. Cohen
Keyword(s):  
Public Authority ◽  
Popular Sovereignty ◽  
Modern State ◽  
Public Power ◽  
Political Pluralism ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Power Rule ◽  
Important Challenge ◽  
Principles Of Justice

We typically associate sovereignty with the modern state, and the coincidence of worldly powers of political rule, public authority, legitimacy, and jurisdiction with territorially delimited state authority. We are now also used to referencing liberal principles of justice, social-democratic ideals of fairness, republican conceptions of non-domination, and democratic ideas of popular sovereignty (democratic constitutionalism) for the standards that constitute, guide, limit, and legitimate the sovereign exercise of public power. This chapter addresses an important challenge to these principles: the re-emergence of theories and claims to jurisdictional/political pluralism on behalf of non-state ‘nomos groups’ within well-established liberal democratic polities. The purpose of this chapter is to preserve the key achievements of democratic constitutionalism and apply them to every level on which public power, rule, and/or domination is exercised.

scholarly journals The Strategic Bias: How Journalists Respond to Antimedia Populism

2021 ◽  
pp. 194016122110226
Author(s):  
Ayala Panievsky
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Press Freedom ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Best Response ◽  
Semistructured Interviews ◽  
The Media ◽  
Right Wing Populism ◽  
Strategic Bias ◽  
Use Of Social Media ◽  
The Right

As populist campaigns against the media become increasingly common around the world, it is ever more urgent to explore how journalists adopt and respond to them. Which strategies have journalists developed to maintain the public's trust, and what may be the implications for democracy? These questions are addressed using a thematic analysis of forty-five semistructured interviews with leading Israeli journalists who have been publicly targeted by Israel's Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu. The article suggests that while most interviewees asserted that adherence to objective reporting was the best response to antimedia populism, many of them have in fact applied a “strategic bias” to their reporting, intentionally leaning to the Right in an attempt to refute the accusations of media bias to the Left. This strategy was shaped by interviewees' perceived helplessness versus Israel's Prime Minister and his extensive use of social media, a phenomenon called here “the influence of presumed media impotence.” Finally, this article points at the potential ramifications of strategic bias for journalism and democracy. Drawing on Hallin's Spheres theory, it claims that the strategic bias might advance Right-wing populism at present, while also narrowing the sphere of legitimate controversy—thus further restricting press freedom—in the future.

Benzion Netanyahu’s Formative Years

2021 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 92-109
Author(s):  
Adi Armon
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Young Student ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
University Professors ◽  
Hebrew University ◽  
Formative Years

Decades before he was known as a historian or as an early neoconservative thinker, let alone as the father of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, Benzion Netanyahu was a young student and journalist in British Mandatory Palestine. In this tumultuous period, reaching its peak with the 1933 murder of Haim Arlosoroff, Netanyahu dwelt at the margins of Zionist politics, belonging to a group of well-educated, right-wing, young outsiders—students, poets, journalists, intellectuals, and pseudo-intellectuals—all of whom rebelled against their current and former Hebrew University professors. This study examines the crystallization of Netanyahu’s worldview and his Zionist ideology by focusing on three events between 1932 and 1935 that shaped his hostility toward the left and, much later, which became integral components of politics in Israel.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document