Per una comprensione non ideologica della laicitŕ

2009 ◽  
pp. 71-95
Author(s):  
Ferrari Maria Aparecida
Keyword(s):  
Human Person ◽  
The State ◽  
Private Life ◽  
Political Sovereignty ◽  
The People ◽  
Civil Sphere ◽  
Politics And Religion ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The One

- The aim of this essay is to argue a new thesis about the conception of the rightful autonomy of the political or civil sphere from that of religion and the Church. On the one hand, the relations between politics and religion are decided following the principle of autonomy, understood as a theoretical and practical affirmation of the autonomy of both spheres; autonomy supported by reciprocal collaboration in the service of the person. The secular State is a State of reason, grounded on rights and duties and on relations that do not oppose to religion, recognised as one of the multiple reality that constitute the public sphere. On the other hand, it is important to discern two different propositions of autonomy in the modern context. The first is marked with a hostile openness towards religion and a second, which is attentive to dialogue with it. The reason for this dichotomy has been caused by misunderstanding democratic reality, which are possible to solve with a double discernment: in what sense are all the people the foundation of political sovereignty? And which is the democratic value of ethic pluralism? Popular sovereignty becomes real when there is an effective respect of the inviolable nature of a several goods of the human person, beyond the different interests of the State or of the majority. Pluralism, when it is severed from the ethic of indifference and it is not relegated to private life, is another barrier in the face of the ambition of the State.Keywords: laicality, laicism, democracy, sovereignty, pluralism

The Hierophanic Facets of the Seraphic Hymns

Trictrac ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
Author(s):  
Petru Adrian Danciu
Keyword(s):  
Mutual Recognition ◽  
The Other ◽  
Human Being ◽  
Material World ◽  
Face To Face ◽  
The People ◽  
Musical History ◽  
The Face ◽  
The One

Starting from the cry of the seraphim in Isaiahʹ s prophecy, this article aims to follow the rhythm of the sacred harmony, transcending the symbols of the angelic world and of the divine names, to get to the face to face meeting between man and God, just as the seraphim, reflecting their existence, stand face to face. The finality of the sacred harmony is that, during the search for God inside the human being, He reveals Himself, which is the reason for the affirmation of “I Am that I Am.” Through its hypnotic cyclicality, the profane temporality has its own musicality. Its purpose is to incubate the unsuspected potencies of the beings “caught” in the material world. Due to the fact that it belongs to the aeonic time, the divine music will exceed in harmony the mechanical musicality of profane time, dilating and temporarily cancelling it. Isaiah is witness to such revelation offering access to the heavenly concert. He is witness to divine harmonies produced by two divine singers, whose musical history is presented in our article. The seraphim accompanied the chosen people after their exodus from Egypt. The cultic use of the trumpet is related to the characteristics and behaviour of the seraphim. The seraphic music does not belong to the Creator, but its lyrics speak about the presence of the Creator in two realities, a spiritual and a material one. Only the transcendence of the divine names that are sung/cried affirms a unique reality: God. The chant-cry is a divine invocation with a double aim. On the one hand, the angels and the people affirm God’s presence and call His name and, on the other, the Creator affirms His presence through the angels or in man, the one who is His image and His likeness. The divine music does not only create, it is also a means of communion, implementing the relation of man to God and, thus, God’s connection with man. It is a relation in which both filiation and paternity disappear inside the harmony of the mutual recognition produced by music, a reality much older than Adam’s language.

scholarly journals Neoliberalism is not dead – On political implications of Covid-19

2020 ◽  
pp. 030981682098238
Author(s):  
Miloš Šumonja
Keyword(s):  
Free Market ◽  
The State ◽  
Working Classes ◽  
Strong State ◽  
Hand Grip ◽  
Right Hand ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
The World ◽  
The Face

The news is old – neoliberalism is dead for good, but this time, even Financial Times knows it. Obituaries claim that it had died from the coronavirus, as the state, not the markets, have had to save both the people and the economy. The argument of the article is that these academic and media interpretations of ‘emergency Keynesianism’ misidentify neoliberalism with its anti-statist rhetoric. For neoliberalism is, and has always been, about ‘the free market and the strong state’. In fact, rather than waning in the face of the coronavirus crisis, neoliberal states around the world are using the ongoing ‘war against the virus’ to strengthen their right-hand grip on the conditions of the working classes.

Illegal Construction in Hanoi and Hanoi's Wards

2004 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 337-369 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Koh
Keyword(s):  
State Power ◽  
The State ◽  
The People ◽  
The Face ◽  
History Of ◽  
State Boundaries ◽  
Urban Administration ◽  
Ability And Willingness

AbstractIn the drama of negotiation of state boundaries, the role of local administrators as mediators is indispensable. They mediate between state demands for more discipline and societal demands for more liberties. Their ability and willingness to enforce determines the extent of state power. They are a particular type of elites chosen by the state to administer; yet often they have an irrational and morally corrupt relationship with their subjects. The questions that arise then are: When do the local administrators decide to or not to enforce the rules? What considerations do they hold in the face of contradicting demands for their loyalties? This paper seeks answers to the above questions by examining state enforcement of its construction rules in Hanoi after 1975, in which the ward, a level of local administrators in the urban administration landscape, plays an important role in holding up (or letting down) the fences. I will examine the irrationality of the housing regime that led to widespread offences against construction rules, and then show why and how local administrators may or may not enforce rules. This paper comprises two parts. The first part outlines the nature and history of the housing regime in Vietnam and the situation of state provision of housing to the people. These provide the context in which illegal construction arises. Part Two looks at illegal construction in Hanoi chronologically, and focuses on important episodes. The theme that runs through this paper is the role of local administrators in the reality of illegal construction.

scholarly journals Liberalizm a szanse pokoju na świecie. Refleksje Karla Jaspersa

2018 ◽  
pp. 95-100
Author(s):  
Anna Citkowska-Kimla
Keyword(s):  
Max Weber ◽  
Social Institutions ◽  
Private Life ◽  
Political Consequences ◽  
Technical Developments ◽  
The Face ◽  
German Philosopher ◽  
Individual Existence ◽  
The One ◽  
Existential Dimension

The paper touches on the topic of optimism, allowing for a thesis of the peaceful coexistence of states to be proposed. This type of thinking was represented by the German philosopher and psychiatrist Karl Jaspers. Jaspers took the view that philosophy brings about political consequences that need to be observed and examined. He was influenced by Max Weber, from whom he adopted the idea of the salvation of Western heritage, embodied in the spirit of liberalism, freedom and diversity of private life. According to Jaspers, Germans should abandon their desire for military supremacy in favor of the dissemination of such universal ideas as freedom. In the interwar period Jaspers wrote a book about the spiritual situation of his times where he touched on the issue of the outcomes of technological progress for the existential dimension of man, who enjoys freedom on the one hand, and is responsible for himself on the other. He concluded by saying that in the face of such technical developments warfare poses a threat to biological survival and to freedom, since it destroys human self-responsibility. Jaspers noticed the problem of an individual being threatened by alienated social institutions, and as a consequence he proposed the thesis of the depersonalization of individual existence. The totalitarian system Jaspers had experienced encouraged him to revise the theoretical aspects and to develop a competitive, libertarian solution. Jaspers strongly emphasized individualism and the responsibility of individuals whose present influences the future. Jaspers’ ideas may be deemed to be remote from realism, since liberalism is a golden mean, neither preventing international wars nor appeasing political national arenas.

Hanna Yablonka, Yeladim beseder gamur: biyografiyah dorit shel yelidei haaretz 1948–1955 (Children by the Book, Biography of a Generation: The First Native Israelis Born 1948–1955). Rishon Letziyon: Miskal, 2018. 430 pp.

2021 ◽  
pp. 310-312
Keyword(s):  
Educational System ◽  
Historical Consciousness ◽  
The State ◽  
Historical Experience ◽  
One Dimensional ◽  
The People ◽  
Native Identity ◽  
The One ◽  
State Educational ◽  
The Right

This chapter examines Hanna Yablonka's Children by the Book, Biography of a Generation: The First Native Israelis Born 1948–1955 (2018). This book is unique in that it is neither politically committed to nationalist political slogans that are thrown daily into the arena of Israeli politics in the days of Netanyahu nor connected to the one-dimensional, sweeping condemnation of critics of the Israeli enterprise on the Right and Left. Instead, it suggests to set aside, even if only for a moment, what Yablonka calls “the current Israeli discourse, which furiously shatters everything that has happened in the state since it was established, brutally erasing all the achievements of Little Israel.” Yabonka is guided by Karl Mannheim's concept of a “historical generation”: a group in which there is a shared historical consciousness derived from historical experience. She shows how the state educational system fashioned the image of the new Israeli, endowing children with a local, native identity and imbuing them with the consciousness of belonging both to the people and to the land.

American Democracy Reconsidered: Part I

1973 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
L. J. Sharpe
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
National Government ◽  
The State ◽  
City Government ◽  
State Governments ◽  
American Democracy ◽  
The People ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One

In his celebrated study of American democracy written in 1888, Lord Bryce reserved his most condemnatory reflections for city government and in a muchquoted passage asserted: ‘There is no denying that the government of cities is the one conspicuous failure of the United States. The deficiencies of the National government tell but little for evil on the welfare of the people. The faults of the State governments are insignificant compared with the extravagance, corruption and mismanagement which mark the administration of most of the great cities'sangeetha.

One Country, Two Systems

2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph Cheng
Keyword(s):  
Hong Kong ◽  
Social Systems ◽  
Mainland China ◽  
The State ◽  
Deng Xiaoping ◽  
Systems Model ◽  
The People ◽  
Two Systems ◽  
One Country Two Systems ◽  
The One

Deng Xiaoping (b. 1903–d. 1997) secured power and launched a policy program of economic reforms and an opening to the external world at the end of 1978. He also initiated a peace offensive toward Taiwan, and had to face a new challenge in China’s Hong Kong policy. In January 1979, the Chinese authorities announced a nine-point proposal for solving the Taiwan issue and guaranteed that after reunification, the existing economic and social systems, as well as the way of life, would remain unchanged. Subsequently, the new Constitution of the People’s Republic of China promulgated in December 1982 contains a new provision; Article 31 states, “The state may establish special administrative regions (SAR) when necessary” (available online). In March 1979, Sir Murray MacLehose (b. 1917–d. 2000), then Governor of Hong Kong, visited Beijing. He met Deng Xiaoping and formally raised “the New Territories lease” question. Chinese leaders gradually began to understand that the Hong Kong future issue could no longer be delayed. The view of recovery gained a distinct edge; Liao Chengzhi (b. 1908–d. 1983), head of the newly established Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office of the State Council, was given the responsibility of planning for the recovery of the territory. In April 1981, he proposed the “one country, two systems” model policy, which demonstrated the Chinese leadership’s liberation in thinking at that time. The leadership was eager to show the world that China could govern Hong Kong better than the British colonial administration; it wanted the Hong Kong model to have a significant demonstration effect on Taiwan. The policy played a key role in maintaining the confidence of Hong Kong people, and facilitated Chinese leaders’ success in the Sino-British negotiations on the territory’s future. In the decade and a half since Hong Kong’s return to China, the “one country, two systems” model has been working quite well. Stability and prosperity have been maintained; the rule of law and the freedoms enjoyed by the people have been largely intact. Hong Kong’s relative international economic competitiveness has been in slow decline, and the economy has become increasingly dependent on that of Mainland China.

TÜSİAD and the Armenian-Turkish Relations: Turkish Economy between Progress and National Identity

2009 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 341-356 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pascal Kluge
Keyword(s):  
National Culture ◽  
The State ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Turkish Republic ◽  
Social Actors ◽  
Turkish Economy ◽  
Eastern Border ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
Ideological Divergence ◽  
The One

AbstractIn examining the endeavours of the Turkish entrepreneurs' association TÜSİAD, a politically embedded economic interest group, it becomes clear how highly discriminative it must act, and react, in its pursuit to deliver economic and political benefits to its members. This can be observed via the example of the association's attitude vis-à-vis the Armenian-Turkish rapprochement process. On the one hand, the association speaks up freely and acts independently, and it has supported and engaged in numerous Armenian-Turkish initiatives, thus promoting a dialogue through trade. Improving economic conditions in the eastern provinces of Turkey and taking steps in line with the European Union accession process have been the major impetus for these moves. On the other hand, when it comes to highly contentious issues considered to be of Turkish national interest, such as the Armenian Genocide debate, TÜSİAD has been strongly affected by nationalist sensibilities. Its approach in this matter is deadlocked and determined by historical legacy. It conforms to the state ideology, rejecting the term genocide for the Ottoman massacres of Armenians in 1915 and considering any contrary arguments as an attempt by foreign powers to damage Turkey's reputation. One of the reasons behind this attitude is the way that a particular Turkish identity was formulated in the transition between the Ottoman Empire and the Turkish Republic, in which a sole “national culture” was founded exclusive of ideological divergence. The state, as a historically powerful guardian of this identity, has consistently attempted to enforce the conformity of social actors and the public sphere with this “national culture”. However, along with continuing globalisation and a general trend of individualisation of society, TÜSİAD and other civil organisations are in a process of disengagement from these structures. Should this process continue, TÜSİAD could further contribute to a prosperity that extends beyond economic advancement in Turkey's eastern border provinces, leading to a sustainable reconciliation in the South Caucasian region.

scholarly journals A SEGURANÇA PÚBLICA COMO UM PROBLEMA SOCIOCULTURAL

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. R 01-R 04
Author(s):  
Álvaro de Souza VIEIRA ◽  
◽  
Marcelo PESSOA ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Well Being ◽  
The State ◽  
Social Needs ◽  
Cultural Perspective ◽  
Main Research ◽  
The Face ◽  
To Come ◽  
The One ◽  
High Crime ◽  
Past Experiences

The present study falls within the scope of Urban Public Security, to the extent that ostensive and preventive policing actions - motorized, on foot or in prison - tend to better meet the social needs provided for by the demand for the crime prevention and protection service provided. by the State. A study like ours justifies the fact that, in times of the COVID-19 Pandemic, with the almost compulsory impediment of the citizen to come and go by legal instrument, there was a robust increase in the rates of family disagreements, minor bodily injuries, subversions to order and discipline, and other major unlawful conduct. As main research results, it was possible to understand to what extent society tends or not to actively participate in the processes that involve its own mental, physical or social well-being. We also note that there is a certain resistance from this same society regarding the presence of State apparatus, especially in less privileged layers of the community, since citizenship, on the one hand, manifests itself against police actions, in the face of less positive past experiences. R - 01-04 Revista AKEDIA – Versões, Negligências e Outros Mundos p - ISSN 2447-7656 e – ISSN 2674-2561 DOI 10.33726 – Volume 12 – Ano VII – 2º Sem. de 2021 On the other hand, it is seen that part of this same community tends to act, voluntarily or involuntarily, as a passive accomplice, keeping active contexts of high crime, a condition that, in the eyes of the State, appears paradoxical, but which, from a cultural perspective, maybe it's a sophisticated survival strategy.

scholarly journals The Politicization of Society and the Religious Issues in Modern Russia

2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 647-663
Author(s):  
Vasily K. Pinkevich
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Private Life ◽  
Russian Society ◽  
Ruling Class ◽  
Extensive Discussion ◽  
Religious Policy ◽  
Special Cases ◽  
The One ◽  
The Right ◽  
High Level

The purpose of the article is to trace the connection between the change in the religious policy of the state and the anti-clerical protests of the 2016-2020s. Statements against Church restitution and the construction of churches have caused extensive discussion, which has given rise to a number of contradictory, sometimes mutually exclusive interpretations. According to the author, the reason for these protests was not private reasons, but deeper reasons related to the religious policy of the state. The author pays special attention to changes in religious legislation, which led to increased control over the private life of citizens and infringement of the right to freedom of ideological choice. The article points out that the religious issue has divided Russian society: the ruling class on the one hand, and a significant part of citizens on the other, have become increasingly different in understanding the place and role of religion in the life of the country. According to the author, the protests in Yekaterinburg, St. Petersburg, and Moscow were special cases of numerous manifestations of politicization of society and growing dissatisfaction with the state of state-confessional relations in modern Russia. The author concludes that the degree of conflict, the high level of solidarity actions, a diverse and resonant series of events, as well as the level of ideological discussion allow us to classify these events as political and plebiscite.

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