scholarly journals LATIN BORROWINGS DENOTING AN INHABITED PLACE IN ENGLISH AND GERMAN: HISTORICAL ASPECT

2018 ◽  
pp. 61-66
Author(s):  
Oksana Kodubovska

The article deals with Latin borrowings denoting an inhabited place and the ways they enter the West Germanic languages, namely English and German. The notion of an inhabited place reflects the realia, which is connected with the compact living of a group of individuals on a certain territory. The research is based on the principles of anthropocentrism, lexical semantics, etymology and historical linguistics. The paper argues that etymological aspect is one of the most important in understanding the development and evolution of the lexeme. The paper aims at singling out and classifying Latin borrowings with the seme ‘inhabited place’ in the West Germanic Languages. Etymological analysis used in the research helped to characterize borrowed appellatives. Contrasting method singled out common and divergent features in the development of Latin borrowings in English and German. It is stated that English and German are prominent for the enriching their vocabulary due to borrowings from Latin. A great deal of Latin elements entered the languages at different historical stages. Several groups of Latin borrowings were singled out in the research according to their evolution in the analyzed languages and the period they were borrowed. These groups combined borrowings with the following features: Common Germanic lexemes which show both the modification of form and meaning saving the seme ‘inhabited place’ in one of the languages at present; early Latin borrowings which lose the meaning of an inhabited place in both languages; words which demonstrate the different evolution of their semantic structure and develop the meaning of an inhabited place in one of the languages; borrowings which save the seme ‘inhabited place’ with certain modifications of meaning in both English and German; lexemes which have the seme at the time of borrowing but lose it later in one of the languages; appellatives which enter German directly and English via French; English appellatives that do not have correspondences in German and enter the language via Old and Middle French.

Author(s):  
Andriy Botsman ◽  
Olga Dmytruk

The purpose of this article is to give detailed description to all possible semantic and morphological features of Germanic preterite-present verbs. Some research has dealt with the problem of preterite-present present verbs; however, semantic and morphological functions of these verbs were studied only by singling out verb characteristics, peculiarities, potential possibilities in different Germanic languages without any alignment of the obtained results. There is little information available on preterite-present verbs within the west Germanic and North Germanic (Scandinavian) subgroups. Semantic aspect of these verbs was analysed by some scholars, but it is still unknown how these verbs were formed in other Indo-European languages (Baltic, Slavonic, Romantic). The contradicting point of the available research is how those verbs are reflected in Latin and Greek. In spite of the fact that preterite-present verbs were studied in detail in terms of phonological characteristics, their morphological and semantic peculiarities were not taken into account and compared. Special attention should be given to the functioning and correlation of phonological and morphological peculiarities of those verbs. This paper offers the results of a detailed and consistent analysis of phonological and morphological peculiarities of preterite-present verbs. The paper aims at determining the morphological characteristics of preterite-present verbs, which were formed under the influence of phonological processes. The purpose of this study was to investigate the connection of Germanic preterite-present verbs with possible sources in other Indo-European languages. The authors define a set of characteristics peculiar of preterite-present verbs semantics. The functions of these verbs are analysed in detail. The authors attempt to analyse the nature of these verbs. The attention is paid to the functions of preterite- present verbs not only in the Germanic languages, but in other Indo-European languages, too. The comparative historical method is used here as the main one. The authors see this valid way of investigation as reliable and appropriate for the preterite-present verb analysis.


1993 ◽  
Vol 22 ◽  
pp. 1-26 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alfred Wollman

It is a well-known fact that Old English is rich in Latin loan-words. Although the precise number is not yet known, it is a fairly safe assumption that there are at least 600 to 700 loan-words in Old English. This compares with 800 Latin loan-words borrowed in different periods in the Brittonic languages (Welsh, Cornish, Breton), and at least 500 early Latin loan-words common to the West Germanic languages. These rather vague overall numbers do not lend themselves, however, to a serious analysis of Latin influence on the Germanic and Celtic languages, because they include different periods of borrowing which are not really comparable to each other. The basis of these estimates, moreover, is often not stated very clearly. Although the establishment of a complete list of Latin loan-words in the various Germanic languages is a desideratum, it can only be achieved in a later stage of our studies.


2016 ◽  
Vol 28 (4) ◽  
pp. 349-369
Author(s):  
Jing Lin

This paper investigates three verbs expressing necessity in the three West Germanic languages: Dutchhoeven, Englishneed, and Germanbrauchen. These three verbs are all categorized as negative polarity items(npis). However, there are differences in their distribution as NPIs, which posit Germanbrauchenbetween Englishneedand Dutchhoeven.By analyzing two factors that may influence acquisition, namely, opacity and input frequency, this paper moreover presents a similar pattern for the acquisition of these NPIs: The Dutch NPIhoevenemerges earlier in child language than its German counterpart, which in turn arises earlier than the English NPIneed.


Diachronica ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 411-458 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eugen Hill

This paper deals with one of the oldest and most controversial problems in the historical morphology of the Germanic branch of Indo-European: the origin and historical development of the so-called ‘weak preterite’. In Germanic, the weak preterite is the only means of forming the preterite tense of a derived verb. In spite of two hundred years of research into the weak preterite and a large number of hypotheses concerning its origin, it is not even securely established how the inflectional endings of this formation should be reconstructed for the common prehistory of the attested Germanic languages. Traditionally the inflectional endings of the weak preterite are conceived of as reflecting free inflectional forms of the verb “do”, only recently having been grammaticalized as inflectional morphology for derived verbs. But it has never been possible to identify the inflectional forms in question satisfactorily within the paradigm of “do”. This paper reconsiders the evidence of the Germanic daughter languages by taking into account West Germanic irregularities previously neglected or viewed as irrelevant. It is shown that the West Germanic evidence provides a key to understanding the origin and the later developments of the weak preterite inflectional endings.


Author(s):  
Michiel de Vaan

Abstract One of the earliest changes affecting Western Romance before the end of the Roman Empire was the lenition of intervocalic *p, *t, *k to *b, *d, *g. We find its effects in a number of Romance loanwords in West Germanic. The word for ‘market’ has not played a role in this discussion because it is often attested with t in the West Germanic languages. Still, there are strong indications that the word was borrowed into Germanic as *markadu after the lenition of intervocalic t in Romance. Its phonological make-up is comparable to that of Latin vocatus, which was borrowed into Germanic as *fogadu.


2002 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 154-189 ◽  
Author(s):  
Liliane Haegeman

This paper focuses on the expression of sentential negation in West Flemish (WF), which it examines with respect to competing theories for deriving the West Germanic verb-final sentence pattern. The empirical adequacy of three hypotheses proposed to account for the verb-final order in the West Germanic languages is tested: (i) the ‘traditional’ OV analysis with head-final base structures; (ii) an antisymmetric approach with only head-complement order and without V-to-I movement; (iii) an antisymmetric approach with head-complement order, but with V-to-I movement and remnant movement of the projection containing the trace of V. Specifically, the question is asked to what extent these analyses capture the surface distribution of WF negation markers (niet, en and negative quantifiers). The paper shows that the traditional OV analysis is certainly adequate for the description of the data concerned. As far as antisymmetric approaches are concerned, a double movement analysis fares better than antisymmetric approaches without V-to-I movement. The paper also shows that, contrary to what has often been assumed, the WF morpheme en is not necessarily analysed as the head of NegP, the canonical projection to encode sentential negation, but that it could also plausibly be analysed as the head of PolP, a higher functional projection which encodes polarity.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 347
Author(s):  
Muhammad Nadeem Chohan ◽  
Maria Isabel Maldonado García

English and Punjabi are languages which do not belong to the same families of languages. English is one of the West Germanic languages whereas; Punjabi is a part of the Indo-Aryan family. Punjabi is spoken by various nations on the globe, especially Pakistan and its province Punjab as well as in Indian Panjab. Both English and Punjabi manifest themselves through various dialects on the basis of diversified geographical areas. English is used as the first language by 379,007,140 speakers and further 753,359,540 speakers use it as a second language in more than 104 nations. So, the total speakers of English around the globe are 1,132,366,680 (Ethnologue, 2019). The importance of Punjabi cannot be denied being the 10th most widely used language on the globe (Ghai & Singh, 2013). According to Ethnologue (2019), the total number of Punjabi speakers is 125,326,840. In Pakistan, it is the language of the majority of the people residing in the most populous province of Pakistan, Punjab. It is among twenty-two languages that have obtained official status. Unfortunately, no considerable work has been done on its phonology. This study is an attempt to describe the phonemic differences between English and Punjabi by using the theoretical framework of the Levenshtein algorithm. The index of differences and similarities is determined through the inventories of both languages. The inventories are used as data in this research paper. The Levenshtein algorithm (Levenshtein, 1965) is used to analyse the inventories to calculate the ratio of differences and similarities. The outcome of the current research shows that both English and Punjabi have a phonemic similarity level of 56.25% whereas the index of difference is 43.75%.


Diachronica ◽  
1991 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-57 ◽  
Author(s):  
Theo Vennemann

SUMMARY This paper studies systematic relationships between two sound changes, the High Germanic Consonant Shift and the West Germanic Anaptyxis. Since the High Germanic languages, i.e., High German and Lombardic, are a division of the West Germanic Sprachbund, it might be thought — and this is indeed the general view — that the more extensive West Germanic change necessarily antedates the more limited High Germanic change. But an examination of the relative chronology of the two changes in one of the languages that underwent both of them, Old High German, shows that, on the contrary, the systematic order of the two changes is the opposite: The better theory of the history of the Old High German phonological and morphological system is attained by the assumption that the High Germanic Consonant Shift antedates the West Germanic Anaptyxis. This result is in agreement with the author's overall theory of the Germanic Consonant Shifts by which the bifurcation of the Proto-Germanic tenues into the Low Germanic aspirates and the High Germanic affricates is one of the very oldest Germanic innovations. RÉSUMÉ L'article étudie les rapports systématiques entre deux changements phonétiques, à savoir celui de la mutation consonantique haut-germaine et celui de l'anaptyxis ouest-germaine. Comme les langues haut-germaines, i.e., le haut-allemand et le langobarde, représentent une division de l'union linguistique ouest-germaine, on pourra penser — et cela est en effet la position majoritaire — que le changement ouest-germain, étant le plus répandu, doit chronologiquement précéder le changement haut-germain plus restreint. Cependant, une examination de la chronologie relative dans une de ces langues qui a été sous-jettée à ces deux changements, i.e., le vieux haut-allemand, montre, au contraire, que l'ordre systématique de ces deux changements est opposé: On arrivera à une meilleure théorie de l'histoire du système phonologique et morphologique du vieux haut-allemand si'l on prend comme hypothèse que le changement consonantique du haut-germain précède chronologiquement l'ana-ptyxis ouest-germaine. Un tel résultat est en accord avec la théorie globale de l'auteur selon laquelle la bifurcation des occlusives proto-germain en aspirés bas-germains et affriqués haut-germains est une des plus vieilles innovations germaniques. ZUSAMMENFASSUNG In diesem Artikel werden systematische Beziehungen zwischen zwei Laut-verânderungen untersucht, der Hochgermanischen Lautverschiebung und der Westgermanischen Anaptyxe. Da die hochgermanischen Sprachen, Hoch-deutsch und Langobardisch, eine Abteilung des westgermanischen Sprach-bundes bilden, liegt es nahe, anzunehmen, wie es auch der allgemeinen Auf-fassung entspricht, daß der weiter verbreitete westgermanische Wandel dem enger eingegrenzten hochgermanischen Wandel vorausgegangen sein müsse. Aber eine Untersuchung der relativen Chronologie der beiden Lautwandel im Althochdeutschen als einer derjenigen Sprachen, die beiden Veränderungen ausgesetzt waren, zeigt, daB die systematische Beziehung zwischen ihnen die genau entgegengesetzte ist: Man erhält die bessere Theorie der Geschichte des althochdeutschen Laut- und Formensystems, wenn man annimmt, daB die Hochgermanische Lautverschiebung der Westgermanischen Anaptyxe voraus-ging. Dieses Ergebnis steht im Einklang mit der ubergreifenden Lautverschie-bungstheorie des Autors, der zufolge die Verzweigung der urgermanischen Tenues in die niedergermanischen Aspiraten und die hochgermanischen Affrika-ten eine der allerâltesten germanischen Isoglossen gestiftet hat.


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