scholarly journals A Poetic Re-Telling of the Orphic Myth: A Political Study of Denise Levertov’s “A Tree Telling of Orpheus”

Author(s):  
Rana Jabir Obed

Modern poets, such as William Butler Yeats, Ezra Pound, William Carlos Williams, Edna St. Vincent Millay, and Rainer Maria Rilke, have used classical myths in a modern context to explain modern issues and to feed up from the rich material of Greek and Roman mythology. Denise Levertov takes the right of all authors to knock into the heart of Western and classical traditions and to reinvent them for her time. Though Levertov’s early poetry expresses her appreciation of nature and of the epiphanic moments of daily life, during the late 1960s her work became progressively concerned with political and social issues. She conveys her offense in poems of distress over Vietnam and of commonality with the alternative culture that opposed the war. Levertov insists upon the connectedness of public and private spheres. The Vietnam War was a major preoccupation of the youth movement of the 1960s, whose protests against it caused the occasional disruption of Levertov’s “A Tree Telling of Orpheus.” This paper aims to retell the Greek myth of Orpheus and his famous song of perception and revitalization, which includes all the aspects of life and rebirth, with a modern revision. Levertov compares the awaking trees captivated by Orpheus’s song along with the awakening of the revolutionary consciousness that lays at the heart of` the countercultural movement of the 1960s.

Author(s):  
Nigel Whiteley

Lawrence Alloway (1926–1990) was one of the most influential and widely respected (as well as prolific) art writers of the post-war years. His many books, catalogue essays, and reviews manifest the changing paradigms of art away from the formal values of modernism towards the inclusiveness of the visual culture model in the 1950s, through the diversity and excesses of the 1960s, to the politicisation in the wake of 1968 and the Vietnam War, on to postmodern concerns in the 1970s. Alloway was in the right places at the right times. From his central involvement with the Independent Group and the Institute of Contemporary Arts (ICA) in London in the 1950s, he moved to New York, the new world centre of art, at the beginning of the 1960s. In the early 1970s Alloway became deeply involved with the realist revival and the early feminist movement in art — Sylvia Sleigh, the painter, was his wife — and went on to write extensively about the gallery and art market as a system, examining the critic's role within this system. Positioning himself against the formalism and exclusivism associated with Clement Greenberg, Alloway was wholeheartedly committed to pluralism and diversity in both art and society. For him, art and criticism were always to be understood within a wider set of cultural, social and political concerns, with the emphasis on democracy, social inclusiveness and freedom of expression. This book provides a close critical reading of Alloway's writings.


2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (5) ◽  
pp. 932-955
Author(s):  
Gordon Hodson

Echoing the 1960s, the 2020s opened with racial tensions boiling. The Black Lives Matter movement is energized, issuing pleas to listen to Black voices regarding day-to-day discrimination and expressing frustrations over the slow progress of social justice. However, psychological scientists have published only several opinion pieces on racial microaggressions, primarily objections, and strikingly little empirical data. Here I document three trends in psychology that coincide with the academic pushback against microaggressions: concept-creep concerns, especially those regarding expanded notions of harm; the expansion of right-leaning values in moral judgments (moral foundations theory); and an emphasis on prejudice symmetry, with the political left deemed equivalently biased against right-leaning targets (e.g., the rich, police) as the right is against left-leaning targets (e.g., Black people, women, LGBT+ people). Psychological scientists have ignored power dynamics and have strayed from their mission to understand and combat prejudice against disadvantaged populations, rendering researchers distracted and ill-equipped to tackle the microaggression concept. An apparent creep paradox, with calls to both reduce (e.g., harm) and expand (e.g., liberal prejudices, conservative moral foundations) concepts, poses a serious challenge to research on prejudice. I discuss the need for psychology to better capture Black experiences and to “tell it like it is” or risk becoming an irrelevant discipline of study.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Agnes Yudita Larasatiningrum

History has shown us that the most successful progressive movements have been intergenerational. Thus, this article will deeply examine about youth movements in the U.S specifically on youth movement against the U.S invasion in Vietnam War around 1960s. Vietnam War was the first modern American conflict that seriously affected the United States not only politically, but also socio-culturally. It will be explored how youth generation has become a breakthrough in American history since it was the most significant movement of its kind in the nation’s history. According to Karl Mannheim one generation is not fully continuity of the elder generation, but they could be different and challenging the established form. Youth tend to reject the US involvement in the Vietnam War because there is a gap between the ideals they have learned from older generations and the realities they have experienced.Keywords: U.S. Youth Movement, Vietnam War, and Generational Cohorts.


Elements ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Alec Walker

This paper deals with the West German student movement, which, like most student movements, was active in the 1960s and focused primarily on social issues. It attempts to interpret the critiques levied by the movement in relation to those events and thoughts which precededit.The author argues that there was a distinct rhetorical and philosophical connection betweeen the 68er-<em>Bewegung</em> and the critical theory of the Frankfurt School. This connection shapd the methods and goals of the student movement, which sought to integrate a process of comign to terms with the realities of Germany's fascist, anti-democratic past into the German mindset following the rich period of remarkable postwar economic development. These methods and influences, which are called "critical historical memory," are then argued to have been developed so as to bring to light the continued presence of fascistic tendencies in contemporary German politics, with the hope of coming to terms with the recent past.


2021 ◽  
pp. 80-83
Author(s):  
Samuel Cohn

This chapter evaluates how poor countries achieve economic growth in the face of all the obstacles posed by the rich countries. The most successful ones have used a highly advanced form of big government — a strategy known to economists as the developmentalist state. This strategy was designed by Japan in the late nineteenth century, perfected by South Korea in the 1960s and 1970s, and brought to a high level of polish by the Chinese today. The key is having a very strong set of government economic planners who tell private companies how they should invest. These countries are not anticapitalist. Companies are privately owned; profits accrue to the owners. But anyone who wants to stay in the good graces of the government follows the official government plan. What Japan, Korea, and China actually did is they restricted firm ownership to locals, keeping multinational corporations out; strictly limited imports for consumption; and massively invested in education. They also developed a long-term plan for the nation to go into the right industries at the right time; induced private firms to cooperate with the national plan by having the government guarantee sales, profits, and cheap credit; and prevented Korean firms from going soft by setting strict performance standards in the middle term.


2016 ◽  
Vol 49 (3) ◽  
pp. 631-651 ◽  
Author(s):  
Guy Baeten ◽  
Sara Westin ◽  
Emil Pull ◽  
Irene Molina

Based on interview material relating to the current wave of housing renovation in Swedish cities, this article will analyse the profit-driven, traumatic and violent displacement in the wake of contemporary large-scale renovation processes of the so-called Million Program housing estates from the 1960s and 1970s. We maintain that the current form of displacement (through renovation) has become a regularized profit strategy, for both public and private housing companies in Sweden. We will pay special attention to Marcuse’s notion of ‘displacement pressure’ which refers not only to actual displacement but also to the anxieties, uncertainties, insecurities and temporalities that arise from possible displacement due to significant rent increases after renovation and from the course of events preceding the actual rent increase. Examples of the many insidious forms in which this pressure manifests itself will be given – examples that illustrate the hypocritical nature of much planning discourse and rhetoric of urban renewal. We illustrate how seemingly unspectacular measures and tactics deployed in the renovation processes have far-reaching consequences for tenants exposed to actual or potential displacement. Displacement and displacement pressure due to significant rent increases (which is profit-driven but justified by invoking the ‘technical necessity’ of renovation) undermines the ‘right to dwell’ and the right to exert a reasonable level of power over one’s basic living conditions, with all the physical and mental benefits that entails – regardless of whether displacement fears materialize in actual displacement or not.


1974 ◽  
Vol 68 (3) ◽  
pp. 951-972 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arthur H. Miller

National survey data demonstrate that support of the federal government decreased substantially between 1964 and 1970. Policy preference, a lack of perceived difference between the parties, and policy dissatisfaction were hypothesized as correlates of trust and alternative explanations of this decrease. Analysis revealed that the increased distrust in government, or cynicism, was associated with reactions to the issues of racial integration and U.S. involvement in the Vietnam war. A curvilinear relationship was found between policy preference on these and other contemporary social issues and political cynicism. The minority favoring centrist policies was more likely to trust the government than the large proportion who preferred noncentrist policy alternatives. This complex relationship between trust and policy preference is explained by dissatisfaction with the policies of both political parties. The dissatisfied noncentrists formed highly polarized and distinct types: “cynics of the left,” who preferred policies providing social change, and “cynics of the right,” who favored policies of social control.


Author(s):  
N.Yu. Samoylov

The article studies the protest moods expressed by British rock musicians in their compositions of the 1960s and 1970s.The song lyrics of the popular British rock performers of that time were analyzed. It is established that the critical thrusts in the lyrics moved in line with the domestic changes in the UK. In the period of relative economic prosperity, from the second half of the 1960s to the early 1970s, the criticism was dominated by the theme of war, particularly the Vietnam War. As the economic and social situation declined, the focus of criticism shifted to domestic problems — recession, unemployment, the growth of radical movements in society, the shortcomings of the British educational system and other negative phenomena. It is concluded that the British musicians followed the moods within the country, and spoke critically about the existing problems both the internal problems of the UK, and the negative phenomena that existed outside the country. In that way, they increased awareness of the listeners and contributed to the growth of protest activity among the main audience — young people. Thus, British rock culture has made a contribution to the formation of the mass youth movement in the United Kingdom.


2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-73
Author(s):  
Michelle Ann Abate ◽  
Sarah Bradford Fletcher

Since its release in 1963, Maurice Sendak's Where the Wild Things Are has been viewed from a psychological perspective as a literary representation of children's inner emotional struggles. This essay challenges that common critical assessment. We make a case that Sendak's classic picturebook was also influenced by the turbulent era of the 1960s in general and the nation's rapidly escalating military involvement in Vietnam in particular. Our alternative reading of Sendak's text reveals a variety of both visual and verbal elements that recall the conflict in South East Asia and considers the significance of the book's geo-political engagement.


Author(s):  
Jonathan Hopkin

Recent elections in the advanced Western democracies have undermined the basic foundations of political systems that had previously beaten back all challenges—from both the Left and the Right. The election of Donald Trump to the US presidency, only months after the United Kingdom voted to leave the European Union, signaled a dramatic shift in the politics of the rich democracies. This book traces the evolution of this shift and argues that it is a long-term result of abandoning the postwar model of egalitarian capitalism in the 1970s. That shift entailed weakening the democratic process in favor of an opaque, technocratic form of governance that allows voters little opportunity to influence policy. With the financial crisis of the late 2000s, these arrangements became unsustainable, as incumbent politicians were unable to provide solutions to economic hardship. Electorates demanded change, and it had to come from outside the system. Using a comparative approach, the text explains why different kinds of anti-system politics emerge in different countries and how political and economic factors impact the degree of electoral instability that emerges. Finally, it discusses the implications of these changes, arguing that the only way for mainstream political forces to survive is for them to embrace a more activist role for government in protecting societies from economic turbulence.


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