scholarly journals Segregation Academies Then and School Choice Configurations Today in Deep South States

2018 ◽  
pp. 1-25
Author(s):  
Marilyn Grady ◽  
Sharon Hoffman
Keyword(s):  
South Carolina ◽  
Public Schools ◽  
School Choice ◽  
Historical Review ◽  
School Funding ◽  
Historical Study ◽  
Board Of Education ◽  
Deep South ◽  
Public School Funding ◽  
The U.S

In the following article, we present a brief historical review of segregation academies and their impact on students and public schools. Based on the review, we provide a portrait of the vestiges of segregation academies that appear to be currently re-emerging in different educational configurations throughout the U.S. and particularly in Deep South states. The purpose of a historical study is to provide a descriptive overview of specific social problems confined within a predetermined timeframe (Danto, 2008). This historical review’s purpose was to address the following inquiry: What were the characteristics of Deep South segregation academies designed to circumvent Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka? In what ways are these characteristics manifested in 2015 school choice configurations in the Deep South states, specifically Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, and South Carolina? To what extent, if any, did these manifested characteristics affect 2015 public school funding in Deep South states?

Partisan Journalism and the Rise of the Republican Party in South Carolina, 1959–1962

2013 ◽  
Vol 90 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sid Bedingfield
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
South Carolina ◽  
Republican Party ◽  
Political Engagement ◽  
Conservative Party ◽  
Professional Standards ◽  
Partisan Politics ◽  
Deep South ◽  
American Press ◽  
The U.S

When political journalist William D. Workman, Jr., resigned from Charleston’s News and Courier and announced plans to run for the U.S. Senate in 1962, he said it would be “unethical” to combine “objective reporting with partisan politics.” Yet Workman’s personal papers reveal that, for three years, he and editor Thomas R. Waring, Jr., had been working with Republican leaders to build a conservative party to challenge Deep South Democrats. Workman’s story provides an example of how partisan activism survived in the twentieth-century American press, despite the rise of professional standards prohibiting political engagement.

Suffrage Restriction under Attack, 1944–47

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Mickey
Keyword(s):  
South Carolina ◽  
White Supremacy ◽  
Deep South ◽  
Southern Politics ◽  
Rule Based ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
Black Protest ◽  
Intraparty Conflict ◽  
Party State ◽  
The U.S

This chapter examines the U.S. Supreme Court's ruling in Smith v. Allwright that challenged the restriction on suffrage: it invalidated the all-white Democratic primary and struck at the heart of southern politics—one-party rule based on white supremacy. It first considers the Supreme Court's challenge to the white primary in relation to rulers' dilemmas, opportunities, and options before discussing narratives of enclave experiences with the white primary challenge in South Carolina, Mississippi, and Georgia. It then compares outer South and Deep South responses to Smith, showing that Georgia and South Carolina featured more impressive black mobilizations than Mississippi. However, the consequences of these episodes were not driven solely by such forces as economic development or black protest infrastructure. Rather, given different configurations of intraparty conflict, party–state institutions, and levels of black insurgency, Smith and the responses it invoked had different consequences for each enclave.

Racial Taxation

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Camille Walsh
Keyword(s):  
Public Education ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Social Services ◽  
White Supremacy ◽  
San Antonio ◽  
School Funding ◽  
The United States ◽  
Board Of Education ◽  
Public School Funding ◽  
History Of

In the United States, it is quite common to lay claim to the benefits of society by appealing to “taxpayer citizenship”--the idea that, as taxpayers, we deserve access to certain social services like a public education. Tracing the genealogy of this concept, this book shows how tax policy and taxpayer identity were built on the foundations of white supremacy and intertwined with ideas of whiteness in civil rights law and constitutional law. From the origins of unequal public school funding after the Civil War and the history of African American families resisting segregated taxation through school desegregation cases from Brown v. Board of Education to San Antonio v. Rodriguez in the 1970s, this study spans over a century of racial injustice, dramatic courtroom clashes, and white supremacist backlash to collective justice claims. Incorporating letters from everyday individuals as well as the private notes of Supreme Court justices as they deliberated, this legal history reveals how the idea of a “taxpayer” identity contributed to the contemporary crises of public education, racial disparity, and income inequality.

Washington View

2018 ◽  
Vol 99 (6) ◽  
pp. 72-73
Author(s):  
Maria Ferguson
Keyword(s):  
School Choice ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Education Policy ◽  
Technical Education ◽  
School Funding ◽  
The Other ◽  
Career Technical Education ◽  
Every Student Succeeds Act ◽  
To Receive ◽  
The U.S

Maria Ferguson suggests that implementation of the Every Student Succeeds Act, school choice, and career technical education will dominate the conversation about education policy in 2018. On the other hand, school funding inequities, as discussed at length in a recent report from the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, deserve more attention than they are likely to receive.

The Beginning of the End for Authoritarian Rule in America:Smith v. Allwrightand the Abolition of the White Primary in the Deep South, 1944–1948

2008 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-182 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert W. Mickey
Keyword(s):  
South Carolina ◽  
Supreme Court ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Body Politic ◽  
Deep South ◽  
Authoritarian Rule ◽  
Democratic Development ◽  
Democratic Rule ◽  
Intraparty Conflict ◽  
The U.S

In 1944, the U.S. Supreme Court inSmith v. Allwrightshocked the southern body politic by invalidating the white-only Democratic primary. Interpreting the eleven states of the old Confederacy as enclaves of authoritarian rule, this article views Smith as beginning a long process that culminated in the early 1970s with the consolidation of democratic rule in America. Smith v. Allwright transformed the politics of all eleven enclaves, challenging rulers in their roles both as party officials and as lawmakers. Filtered through various configurations of intraparty conflict, political institutions, and black insurgency, however, the ruling shaped the politics of each enclave differently. This article compares the ruling's effects on three similarly-situated enclaves—Georgia, Mississippi, and South Carolina. It suggests how Smith v. Allwright positioned these enclaves differently as they faced several other democratization challenges over the next three decades. The article closes with a discussion of how southern enclaves ultimately took divergent paths out of Dixie, why these different modes of democratization matter today, and how the reframing of southern political history developed here engages with recent research on America's distinctive democratic development.

A Black Political Insurgency in the Deep South

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sid Bedingfield
Keyword(s):  
South Carolina ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Jim Crow ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
Deep South ◽  
National Convention ◽  
First Time ◽  
The U.S

This chapter chronicles the role of McCray and his newspaper in the NAACP’s battle against the all-white Democratic Party in South Carolina. In the wake of the U.S. Supreme Court’s decision in Smith v. Allwright, which outlawed race-based party membership rules, white Democrats in the state erected new barriers to black participation in Democratic Party politics. In response, McCray and his allies used his newspaper to launch an insurgent political organization, the Progressive Democratic Party, which took its fight against the state’s white Democrats all the way to the national convention in Chicago in July. After three years of legal and political battle, McCray and the NAACP managed to overthrow the all-white primary in South Carolina. In August 1948, black South Carolinians voted in a Democratic Party primary for the first time since the rise of Jim Crow rule in the state in the 1890s.

In Indiana, school choice means segregation

2020 ◽  
Vol 101 (5) ◽  
pp. 40-43
Author(s):  
Michael B. Shaffer ◽  
Bridget Dincher
Keyword(s):  
Public Schools ◽  
School Choice ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
White Students ◽  
Board Of Education ◽  
Voucher Program ◽  
Traditional Public Schools ◽  
School Voucher ◽  
Scholarship Program ◽  
Definition Of

Following Brown v. Board of Education, schools known as “segregation academies” that were created for the purpose of allowing White students to be educated without contact with Black students proliferated in the southern United States. While the Civil Rights Act of 1964 prohibited such segregation, these schools remained in existence for decades. In this case study, Michael Shaffer and Bridget Dincher contend that the Choice Scholarship Program in Indiana, a school voucher program, re-creates the segregation academies. Data demonstrate that while White student percentages have climbed since the inception of the program, Black student percentages have declined sharply, creating a large number of schools that meet the definition of a segregated school. And because these schools are private, despite receiving government funds through the voucher program, students do not receive the same federal protections from discrimination that they do in traditional public schools.

scholarly journals Charter School Funding Issues

2002 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 34 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. Sugarman
Keyword(s):  
Public Schools ◽  
Charter Schools ◽  
Charter School ◽  
School Funding ◽  
The Core ◽  
Core Identity ◽  
Carry Over ◽  
The U.S

Although a great deal has been written about charter schools, rather little attention has been given to their funding. The first part of this article raises four current issues in the funding of regular public schools across the U.S. and shows how these issues carry over to the funding of charter schools. The second part explores four additional issues that have arisen in the funding of charter schools that go to the core identity of charter schools and the nature of the students they enroll. In both parts, extra attention is paid to developments in California, one of the most active charter school states.

“War against the Constitution”

2021 ◽  
pp. 173-194
Author(s):  
Peter Irons
Keyword(s):  
South Carolina ◽  
Public Schools ◽  
Jim Crow ◽  
Board Of Education ◽  
General Counsel ◽  
Political Skills ◽  
Solicitor General ◽  
National Debate ◽  
The Supreme Court ◽  
Closed Door

This chapter recounts the battles outside and within the Supreme Court over the five cases, first argued in 1952, argued again the following year, and decided in May 1954 under the caption Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas. The chapter draws on transcripts of the lawyers’ oral arguments, notes of justices from the Court’s closed-door conferences to debate and decide cases, and the Court’s unanimous opinion striking down public school segregation. Among the dozen-plus lawyers who argued the five cases, Thurgood Marshall as NAACP general counsel and John W. Davis, former Democratic presidential candidate and U.S. solicitor general, who both argued in the South Carolina case, presented a sharp contrast over the rights of states to impose segregation in public schools. The Court’s closed-door conference after these arguments exposed a rift, with at least one and possibly four justices unwilling to jettison the Plessy “separate but equal” doctrine. Concerned that a split decision would inflame the heated national debate, Justice Felix Frankfurter proposed a second round of arguments a year later; the sudden death in September 1953 of Chief Justice Fred Vinson led President Dwight Eisenhower to name California governor Earl Warren to replace him. Warren used his personal charm and political skills to cajole the Court’s holdouts to join a unanimous decision. However, a third round of arguments on “implementation” of integration allowed Jim Crow schools to proceed with “all deliberate speed” in complying with the Court’s decree, which led to decade-long foot-dragging by southern officials. The chapter concludes with an account of the Little Rock, Arkansas, integration case, Cooper v. Aaron, holding that state officials could not wage “war against the Constitution” by resisting the Court’s orders.

School Desegregation

2018 ◽  
pp. 11-53
Author(s):  
Elaine Allen Lechtreck
Keyword(s):  
South Carolina ◽  
Public Schools ◽  
Supreme Court ◽  
The United States ◽  
Board Of Education ◽  
Little Rock ◽  
Clemson University ◽  
Massive Resistance ◽  
The Supreme Court ◽  
Central High

On 17 May 1954, the Supreme Court of the United States ruled unanimously in Brown v The Board of Education that segregated public schools are unconstitutional. This chapter describes massive resistance organized by politicians and white supremacist groups throughout the South. Crises are described at Clinton High in Tennessee, Central High in Little Rock, Arkansas, the Universities of Mississippi and Alabama, Tuskegee High School in Alabama, and Clemson University in South Carolina as well as the courage of the Reverends Turner, Boggs, Cartwright, Ogden, Campbell, Gray, Davis, Sellers, Morris, Cousins, Lyles, Jackson, and Webster at these locations. It includes statements in support of the decision by the governing boards of major religious denominations, twenty-eight young ministers of the Mississippi Methodist Conference, and contributors to South Carolinians Speak, a booklet on moderation. Later the Supreme Court backed away from enforcing school integration. Scholars Wright, Jacoway, Wolters, Bell, Higgins, and Snider comment.

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