scholarly journals The Artillery Of Critique Versus The General Uncritical Concsensus: Standing Up To Propaganda, 1990-1999

Author(s):  
Andrew Alexander Monti

In 2011, leading comedy scholars singled-out two shortcomings in stand-up comedy research. The first shortcoming suggests a theoretical void: that although “a number of different disciplines take comedy as their subject matter, the opportunities afforded to the inter-disciplinary study of comedy are rarely, if ever, capitalized on.”¹ The second indicates a methodological void: there is a “lack of literature on ‘how’ to analyse stand-up comedy.”² This research project examines the relationship between political consciousness and satirical humour in stand-up comedy and attempts to redress these two shortcomings. It offers a new theoretical model and a new set of longitudinal data: the political content of American stand-up comedy over the course of the decade from 1990-1999. It capitalizes on the interdisciplinary study of comedy, which scholars describe as a “huge cultural phenomenon,”3 by offering a plausible context for the manifestation of satirical stand-up comedy content. The development of the context proceeds in logical steps integrating insights from five realms of inquiry – language science, political economy, propaganda studies, mass media effects and humour theory – into a consistent theoretical framework. The interdisciplinary effort offers a new method to analyse stand-up comedy, captured by the symbolic formula SC2={OGB,CERP}, whereby the satirical content of stand-up comedy (SC2) manifests itself in the association of two sets of statements: operative group beliefs (OGBs) and contrary empirical rational propositions (CERPs). As a whole, this research project falls within the conflict theory tradition of sociological research.¹ It argues that structurally, the aggregate demand for stand-up satire is stimulated by the dominion exerted by mass media over mass opinions. Given that elite “control of society, while certainly manifest in material modes of production, is culturally embedded and naturalized in the minds of the people via its hegemony over discourse,”² the content of stand-up satire cannot be properly examined unless the political economic repercussions of mass communication are taken into account. Mass propaganda and satire are inextricably entwined. This dissertation hypothesizes that the former fuels the general uncritical consensus while the latter acts as the artillery of critique. 1 Lockyer et al., 2011:99. 2 1 Klaehn et al., 2010:10. 2 Theobald, 2006:26. iv

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Alexander Monti

In 2011, leading comedy scholars singled-out two shortcomings in stand-up comedy research. The first shortcoming suggests a theoretical void: that although “a number of different disciplines take comedy as their subject matter, the opportunities afforded to the inter-disciplinary study of comedy are rarely, if ever, capitalized on.”¹ The second indicates a methodological void: there is a “lack of literature on ‘how’ to analyse stand-up comedy.”² This research project examines the relationship between political consciousness and satirical humour in stand-up comedy and attempts to redress these two shortcomings. It offers a new theoretical model and a new set of longitudinal data: the political content of American stand-up comedy over the course of the decade from 1990-1999. It capitalizes on the interdisciplinary study of comedy, which scholars describe as a “huge cultural phenomenon,”3 by offering a plausible context for the manifestation of satirical stand-up comedy content. The development of the context proceeds in logical steps integrating insights from five realms of inquiry – language science, political economy, propaganda studies, mass media effects and humour theory – into a consistent theoretical framework. The interdisciplinary effort offers a new method to analyse stand-up comedy, captured by the symbolic formula SC2={OGB,CERP}, whereby the satirical content of stand-up comedy (SC2) manifests itself in the association of two sets of statements: operative group beliefs (OGBs) and contrary empirical rational propositions (CERPs). As a whole, this research project falls within the conflict theory tradition of sociological research.¹ It argues that structurally, the aggregate demand for stand-up satire is stimulated by the dominion exerted by mass media over mass opinions. Given that elite “control of society, while certainly manifest in material modes of production, is culturally embedded and naturalized in the minds of the people via its hegemony over discourse,”² the content of stand-up satire cannot be properly examined unless the political economic repercussions of mass communication are taken into account. Mass propaganda and satire are inextricably entwined. This dissertation hypothesizes that the former fuels the general uncritical consensus while the latter acts as the artillery of critique. 1 Lockyer et al., 2011:99. 2 1 Klaehn et al., 2010:10. 2 Theobald, 2006:26. iv


1970 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 54-66
Author(s):  
John Waterbury

THE POLITICAL TRIAL IS FREQUENTLY RESORTED TO BY REGIMES seeking to establish or reaffirm their legitimacy. Almost by definition the opposition is the target of such trials for it has questioned or challenged the incumbent regime's right to rule. The trial, when successfully engineered, reveals the opposition as not simply misguided, but as subversive, treasonous, and, in the case of the monarchies, sacrilegious. The condemnation of all or part of the opposition for sins towards God and country emphasizes the objective validity and immutability of the regime's tenets, the components of its charter myth.Such trials have several functions, but three stand out among them. First, one may consider the propagandistic, mass communication function. The trial itself becomes the scene for the definition, re-affirmation, and manipulation of the regime's symbols and credos. Official doctrine is hammered home to the society as a whole, under highly dramatic circumstances inherent in the trial process. The unfolding of the drama often evokes far greater public interest and concern than the routine propaganda efforts of the controlled mass media.


2020 ◽  
Vol 04 (02) ◽  
pp. 124-144
Author(s):  
Muhammad Ahsan Bhatti ◽  
Dr. Imran Muslim ◽  
Muhammad Imran

Political campaigns are usually a combination of interpersonal and “Mass” communication with the expectation of positive outcomes by the political representatives. This study is an attempt to give an idea regarding respondent’s ability and trends of processing the political contents of Mass media. Elaboration Likelihood Model is taken as a framework for evaluating the content processing trends. A questionnaire comprising of two parts and consisting the cue list of central and peripheral notations commonly used by political representatives. A sample of 1032 young people was selected by using a combination of stratified and multistage cluster sampling techniques. Results of the study revealed that majority of the youth did not bother to process the political content by effortful cognition, rather they followed attractive slogans and political personalities. Moreover it was found that people used the same approach for decision making in favor of a political party as they use to hate the opponent parties.


2016 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-15 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jakob Svensson ◽  
Anders Olof Larsson

This article explores Swedish Parliamentarians' Twitter practices during the 2014 general elections. For individual candidates, the political party is important for positions within the party and on the ballot, especially in a party-centered democracy. A previous qualitative (n)ethnographic research project during the previous elections in 2010, in which one campaigning politician was studied in-depth, found that her social media practices to a large extent were inward-facing, focusing on the own party network. But does this result resonate among all Swedish Parliamentarians? Specifically, the authors ask: is Twitter primarily used interactively, for intra-party communication, to interact with strategic voter groups or voters in general? By analyzing all Parliamentarians tweets two weeks up to the elections the authors conclude that retweeting was done within a party political network while @messaging was directed towards political opponents. Mass media journalists and editorial writers were important in Parliamentarians' Twitter practices, while so-called ordinary voters were more absent.


2020 ◽  
pp. 460-476
Author(s):  
Jakob Svensson ◽  
Anders Olof Larsson

This article explores Swedish Parliamentarians' Twitter practices during the 2014 general elections. For individual candidates, the political party is important for positions within the party and on the ballot, especially in a party-centered democracy. A previous qualitative (n)ethnographic research project during the previous elections in 2010, in which one campaigning politician was studied in-depth, found that her social media practices to a large extent were inward-facing, focusing on the own party network. But does this result resonate among all Swedish Parliamentarians? Specifically, the authors ask: is Twitter primarily used interactively, for intra-party communication, to interact with strategic voter groups or voters in general? By analyzing all Parliamentarians tweets two weeks up to the elections the authors conclude that retweeting was done within a party political network while @messaging was directed towards political opponents. Mass media journalists and editorial writers were important in Parliamentarians' Twitter practices, while so-called ordinary voters were more absent.


Koneksi ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 185
Author(s):  
Reynord Leonardo ◽  
Ahmad Junaidi

This study discusses the stand up comedy that is popular among the people. Stand up comedy itself is a singular comedic art whose contents from ordinary jokes contain social criticism. Pandji Pragiwaksono is one example of a comic where he likes to bring stand up comedy material containing social criticism where there are some social problems that we are experiencing in the form of comedy. The theory used by researchers is the theory of mass communication, mass media, social criticism, stand up comedy. This study uses a qualitative approach with the semiotic analysis technique method Ferdinand De Saussure which divides the selected sign into two namely signifier and signified. In this study it was found that the show stand up comedy made by Pandji Pragiwaksono namely Pragiwaksono World Tour slipped a number of social criticisms in which social criticisms were presented including criticism of children's names, criticism of children 's Youtubers, critics of PSSI chairmen, critics of the profession of people, criticisms of humanity , criticism about fans, criticism about animals, and criticism of the attitude of Indonesian citizens. The result is stand up comedy is not just a tool to entertain the public but can also slip social criticism in the form of comedy criticism delivered by Pandji made with satire and comedy so that the message received can be captured easily by his listeners.Penelitian ini membahas tentang stand up comedy yang sedang populer dikalangan masyarakat. Stand up comedysendiri merupakan seni melawak secara tunggal di mana isi dari lawakan berupa kritik sosial. Pandji Pragiwaksono menjadi salah satu contoh komika di Indonesia yang membawakan materi  stand up comedyberisi kritik sosial terhadap beberapa masalah sosial. Teori dan konsep yang digunakan peneliti adalah komunikasi massa, media massa, kritik sosial, stand up comedy. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dengan metode teknik analisis semiotika Ferdinand De Saussure yang membagi tanda menjadi dua yaitu signifierdansignified. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa pertunjukan stand up comedyPandji Pragiwaksono yaitu Pragiwaksono World Tourmenyelipkan beberapa kritik sosial antara lain kritik nama anak, kritik youtuberanak-anak, kritik ketua PSSI, kritik tentang profesi orang, kritik kemanusiaan, kritik tentang fans, kritik tentang satwa, dan kritik sikap warga Indonesia. Kesimpulan dari penelitian ini yaitu stand up comedybukan menjadi alat untuk menghibur masyarakat namun juga menyelipkan kritik sosial dalam bentuk komedi kritik yang dibuat dengan satir dan komedi sehingga pesan yang diterima dapat ditangkap dengan mudah oleh pendengarnya.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 223-250
Author(s):  
Ririn Risnawati

This study examines the Political News Analysis of the Sovereignty of the People's Sovereignty on Eradicating Corruption as the Independence of the Mass Media in Proclaiming the Performance of the Jokowi-JK Government which focuses on 1 year of its administration (20 October 2014 October 20 2015). This research is based on two things, namely: first, how is the analysis of the political news regarding Corruption Eradication in the local mass media (Kedaulatan Rakyat) in reporting on the performance of the Jokowi-JK government; second, how the independence of the local mass media in reporting on the performance of the Jokowi-JK government in the area of ??corruption eradication. Media independence is seen from the method of Qualitative Approach with Critical Paradigm namely Critical Discourse Analysis; using Teun A. van Dijk's Model Analysis of text production involving aspects of cognition and social context.  The production of text in the political news regarding the Eradication of Corruption in Judging the Performance of the Jokowi-JK Government presented by the Kedaulatan Rakyat SKH is a strong text structure. The Kedaulatan Rakyat Daily Newspaper is able to provide detailed Semantic Structure and more coherent relationships between words / sentences. In addition, the Kedaulatan Rakyat Daily Newspaper minimizes graphics and metaphor as rhetorical elements so as to be able to present more real and factual news. starting from text, social cognition and social context. The news on SKH Kedaulatan Rakyat is able to present the factual news objectivity in accordance with the truth and relevance. Not only that, the objectivity of the news about justice is able to be fulfilled by the People's Sovereignty SKH by presenting balanced news and explaining it more neutral without the support of the mass media. Keywords: Political News, Independence, Mass Media, Eradication of Corruption


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Eko Wahyono ◽  
Rizka Amalia ◽  
Ikma Citra Ranteallo

This research further examines the video entitled “what is the truth about post-factual politics?” about the case in the United States related to Trump and in the UK related to Brexit. The phenomenon of Post truth/post factual also occurs in Indonesia as seen in the political struggle experienced by Ahok in the governor election (DKI Jakarta). Through Michel Foucault's approach to post truth with assertive logic, the mass media is constructed for the interested parties and ignores the real reality. The conclusion of this study indicates that new media was able to spread various discourses ranging from influencing the way of thoughts, behavior of society to the ideology adopted by a society.Keywords: Post factual, post truth, new media


Author(s):  
Aleksey Bredikhin ◽  
Andrei Udaltsov

In the article the authors analyze the essence of propaganda as a means of implementing ideological function of the state. It is noted that propaganda is a mechanism of spreading information persuasive influence in the interpretation and estimation of state power representatives. The structure of propaganda is determined: beneficiary of propaganda, subjects of propaganda, content of propaganda, channels of realization of propaganda, addressee of propaganda, feedback system. Types of propaganda are distinguished: political, axiological, educational, preventive. The authors come to the conclusion that the basic directions and the propaganda content are established in normative acts and the programs and organizational actions accepted according to them. Along with the implementation of propaganda, the ideological function is implemented by prohibiting or restricting propaganda or other dissemination of information that endangers the foundations of the constitutional order and is otherwise aimed at destabilizing the political situation in the State, as well as prohibiting the propaganda of ideas that may harm the foundations of morality and morality. The mass media are essential in carrying out propaganda. The State widely uses this resource on an equal footing with other actors to disseminate ideas of public importance and uses the services of various communication agencies. However, the state forms a legal framework for the mass media, their rights and limitations, which still determines the special position of the state in this process.


Author(s):  
Paul Kingston

The chapter outlines how researchers take on different roles and positionalities as they adapt to the field, moving, for instance, from that of an “outsider” laden with externalized theoretical assumptions and having few contacts with and knowledge of the research site to one approaching, to varying degrees, that of a “pseudo-insider.” Indeed, the argument here is that researchers make choices when moving from outsider to insider roles (and between them), contingently adapting their positionality in the hope to better understand the political dynamics that underlie research projects. The setting is post-civil war Lebanon and the research project revolves around an examination of the micropolitics of civil society and associational life in this re-emerging but fragmented polity.


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