scholarly journals Beholding Chicano History

Athanor ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 37 ◽  
pp. 53-58
Author(s):  
Héctor Ramón Garcia

I consider Chicano History an ideal mural to expand on the analysis of form and content considering that it reflects the time in which it emerged: a period of civil disobedience and social unrest in which art, and art making was utilized for social mobilization and people awakening in order to effect social change.

Author(s):  
Pablo Vommaro

Over the last few decades, Argentina and Latin America have undergone significant processes of social unrest and mobilization. Within the larger context of the various movements and dimensions where social mobilization unfolds, the territory has emerged as an increasingly relevant element for the interpretation of its dynamics, continuities, and transformations. Indeed, the spatialization of political production, which accompanied the processes of spatialization of production and the social life, caused a politicization of space that shaped the territory. Thus, processes developed whereby space becomes politicized and politics becomes territorialized. These features have shaped organizations and demonstrations often led by young people, which has given rise to territorially situated, generational political forms.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 91-102
Author(s):  
Laryssa Chomiak ◽  
Jillian Schwedler

Many analyses of the 2011 uprisings and their aftermath 2011 uprisings have been built explicitly on social movements theory with a focus on specific episodes of social unrest. Others have employed procedural approaches from theories of democratization. The nation-level unit of analysis dominant in these approaches reproduces classic regime-character typologies and invokes questions about the relationship between regime type and successful social mobilization. This special issue explores the spaces and practices of state power beyond the conventional framework, giving special attention to space, time, and the multiple scales of relations of power. The contributors explore how these alternative approaches open up different questions into the operation of state power—some in the specific context of the uprisings and some in the course of more quotidian administration.


2018 ◽  
Vol 72 (3) ◽  
pp. 881-908
Author(s):  
Jonas Roellin

Abstract In this paper, I argue that both concepts of “youth” (arabic “šabāb”) and “generation” (arabic “ğīl”) are in different ways misleading and problematic when applied in empirical research on Tunisians of lower age. While they are not affirmatively used and partly even rejected by the latter, they also appear inadequate when employed as analytical categories. Instead, as I will suggest, (historical) “age cohort” is an adequate reference category that can be qualitatively described according to the shared perceptions and actions of its respective members. Thereby, the focus on self-concepts and self-narratives appears to be particularly helpful in understanding the contemporary condition of Tunisians of lower age and their social mobilization practices. It reveals, among other findings, that their movements are not primarily directed at political and social change, though conventionally assumed, but rather express a search for greater possibilities of mobility and autonomy beyond both state and societal boundaries.


Author(s):  
J. SAMUEL ESCOBAR

Recent historiography and social studies in Latin America have developed new approaches to understanding the significance of movements by the poor for social change as well as the role of religion as a key factor for social mobilization. It is now possible to perceive the importance of messianic and revolutionary movements since the colonial period, and also the different forms of religious commitment that motivate people to reject modernization or to accept it. Several case studies coming from Catholicism and Protestantism are considered here.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 111
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Gunter

In this review of Kim Berman's Finding voice: a visual arts approach to engaging social change, Elizabeth Gunter explains how art-making may play a role in bringing about social change and transcending institutional norms.   How to cite this book review: GUNTER, Elizabeth. Book review: Berman, KS. 2017. Finding voice: a visual arts approach to engaging social change. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. Scholarship of Teaching and Learning in the South. v. 3, n. 1, p. 111-112, Apr. 2019. Available at: https://sotl-south-journal.net/?journal=sotls&page=article&op=view&path%5B%5D=103&path%5B%5D=37   This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. To view a copy of this license, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/  


1974 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-109 ◽  
Author(s):  
E. A. Hammel ◽  
Peter Laslett

Because of the importance of the family and household in all societies and at all historical periods, it is essential to be able to make comparisons between varieties of domestic groups. If we wish to comment on the extent to which the household is affected by social change and especially by the process of modernization, industrialization, social mobilization, or whatever that vague but ubiquitous phenomenon is called, it must be clear what would consitute such change. This means knowing how domestic group structure differs from country to country as well as from period to period.


2005 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 213-226 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frances Olsen

Author(s):  
А. М. Родригес-Фернандес

В статье рассматриваются основные направления во внутренней и внешней политике Пакистана в конце XX — начале XXI века. Сформировавшаяся в это время правительственная стратегия была не только подготовлена предшествующими 2–3 десятилетиями развития, но и до сих пор является преобладающей либо в открытой, либо в слегка завуалированной форме. Характерно, что именно в этот период (12 октября 1999 г.) произошел военный переворот и новый военный диктатор генерал Первез Мушарраф объявил о задачах экономического оздоровления страны и создания «реальной», то есть мусульманской, демократии. Это означало, что при подавлении антиправительственных и экстремистских группировок новая власть делает резкий крен в сторону государственного исламизма и скрытой поддержке движения «Талибан» в Афганистане и «полосе независимых племён» (территория Пакистана вдоль афганской границы). Важной особенностью этого периода был не потерявший значения в дальнейшем союз исламистов и военной элиты, подготовленной в основном в Англии. Улемы поднимают в нужное время волну общественного недовольства и гражданского неповиновения, а армия устанавливает власть на длительное время и обеспечивает радикальным улемам высокие позиции в государственной иерархии. В статье использованы разнообразные по характеру источники по современной политической, социально-экономической и этноконфессиональной ситуации в Пакистане и Афганистане, включенные в сборник документов пакистанского исследователя Аалима. Интересные детали о военных лидерах Пакистана и реформаторской деятельности правительства к XX — началу XXI века приводятся в библиографических заметках американского эксперта С. Пауэра и пакистанского чиновника Ф. Шотойса. The article treats major trends of Pakistan’s domestic and foreign policy in the late 20th — early 21st centuries. The governmental strategy that was formed in the aforementioned period was prepared by the two or three preceding decades and still prevails in an overt or covert form. It should be noted that during the period there was a military coup (October 12, 1999) and the new military dictator Pervez Musharraf underlined the necessity to revive the economy of the country and to create Muslim democracy. It signified that by suppressing antigovernment extremists the new government favored Political Islamism, covertly supported the Taliban movement in Afghanistan and tribal sovereignty along the Durand Line. An important characteristic of the period was the coalition of the Islamists and the pro-English military elite. The ulama provoked social unrest and civil disobedience while the army usurped the power and enabled radical ulama to acquire high posts in the government. The article analyzes various documents collected by a Pakistani researcher Aalim and dealing with the contemporary political, social, economic, ethnic and confessional situation in Pakistan and Afghanistan. The article also analyzes bibliographic notes of an American expert S. Power and a Pakistani official Ph. Shotois about the military leaders of Pakistan and the reforms initiated by the Pakistan government in the 20th— early 21st centuries.


PMLA ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 124 (3) ◽  
pp. 864-869 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kathryn Miles

In his presidential address at the 1970 MLA convention, Maynard Mack sounded a warning bell concerning activism and the future of literary studies. Faced with a seemingly endless conflict in Vietnam and a national student body growing polarized in its response to this war, higher education, including language-based pedagogy, was in crisis. Of particular concern to Mack was a growing generational disconnect over the role of activism in the literature classroom. He cited a landmark study in which nearly two-thirds of all professors over the age of thirty maintained that any foray into politics should be avoided, if not altogether prohibited, in formal course work. The younger generation disagreed: two-thirds of them, in fact, felt a moral and pedagogical obligation to use colleges and universities as loci for social change. This ideological divide, Mack predicted, would soon create “a crisis of authority in the offing beside which all current manifestations would look pale” (365).


Author(s):  
Nikola Ivković ◽  

The paper analyzes the legal determinants that marked the restriction of human rights during the state of emergency caused by the COVID19 crisis. By analyzing legal acts and pointing out shortcomings (formal and material), we strive to define the means available to citizens to act correctively. Civil disobedience as a theoretical concept is checked through examples and a kind of case study. The protests that broke out in July 2020 in Belgrade and other cities, from a theoretical point of view, are a good indicator of the character of the government and the possibility of social change. Civil disobedience also gained importance from the practical point of view within the framework of legal and realpolitik analyzes.


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