scholarly journals Instytucja rządu republiki Czarnogóry w systemie organów władzy

2014 ◽  
pp. 47-62
Author(s):  
Jacek Wojnicki
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Executive Branch ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Parliamentary Election ◽  
Simple Majority ◽  
Prime Ministers ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
Government Authority

The Constitution of Montenegro describes the state as a "civic, democratic, ecological state of social justice, based on the reign of Law." Montenegro is an independent and sovereign republic that proclaimed its new constitution on 22th October 2007. The President of Montenegro (Montenegrin: Predsjednik Crne Gore) is the head of state, elected for a period of five years through direct elections. The President represents the republic abroad, promulgates law by ordinance, calls elections for the Parliament, proposes candidates for Prime Minister, president and justices of the Constitutional Court to the Parliament. The President also proposes the calling of a referendum to Parliament, grants amnesty for criminal offences prescribed by the national law, confers decoration and awards and performs other constitutional duties and is a member of the Supreme Defence Council. The official residence of the President is in Cetinje. The Government of Montenegro (Montenegrin: Vlada Crne Gore) is the executive branch of government authority of Montenegro. The government is headed by the Prime Minister, and consists both of the deputy prime ministers as well as ministers. The Parliament of Montenegro (Montenegrin: Skupština Crne Gore) is a unicameral legislative body. It passes laws, ratifies treaties, appoints the Prime Minister, ministers, and justices of all courts, adopts the budget and performs other duties as established by the Constitution. Parliament can pass a vote of no-confidence on the Government by a simple majority. One representative is elected per 6,000 voters. The present parliament contains 81 seats, with a 47-seat majority currently held by the Coalition for a European Montenegro as a result of the 2009 parliamentary election

scholarly journals First minister (prime minister) of the Fifth French Republic: Between the significant constitutional position and the prevailing practice in the shadow of the head of state

2021 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 223-252
Author(s):  
Milan Rapajić
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Executive Branch ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Responsibility ◽  
Political Practice ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right

One of the characteristics of the system of government in the Fifth French Republic is the strengthened position of the head of state, but also the existence of the first minister as a constitutional category with a significant role. The constitution provides the political responsibility of the government with the Prime Minister and ministers before parliament. Certain French writers have opinion that the Prime Minister appears as the central figure of the constitutional structure. The Prime Minister shall direct the actions of the Government. This is 21 of Constitution. Also, there are specific powers that put the Prime Minister in the position of its real head of government. Among the prime minister's most important powers is his right to elect members of the government. It is the right to propose to the President of the Republic the appointment but also the dismissal of members of the government. The Prime Minister is authorized to re-sign certain acts of the President of the Republic. In case of temporary impediment of the head of state, the Prime Minister chairs the councils and committees for national defense, as well as the Council of Ministers. The paper analyzes the constitutional provisions that lead to the conclusion that the position of the Prime Minister is institutionally constructed as strong. Political practice, with the exception of periods of cohabitation, has indicated that most prime ministers have been overshadowed by mostly powerful heads of state. For that reason, it is necessary to analyze the political practice of all eight presidential governments. A review of the already long political life that has lasted since 1958. points to the conclusion that in its longest period, presidents of the Republic dominated the public political scene. The Prime Minister has a more pronounced role in the executive branch during cohabitation periods. However, nine years in three cohabitations cannot change the central conclusion of this paper that the dominant political practice of the Fifth Republic has led to the Prime Minister being essentially in the shadow of the head of state.

scholarly journals INSTITUTE OF PRESIDENCY IN HUNGARY AND UKRAINE: POLITICAL AND LEGAL ASPECT

2020 ◽  
pp. 85-94
Author(s):  
Sergii Tellis ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Study ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
Legal Aspect ◽  
Executive Branch ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Personal Impact ◽  
Positioning Strategy ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
The Government

The article provides a comparative study of the constitutional powers granted to presidents in Ukraine and Hungary in the context of the political and legal aspect, and also an attempt to appraise the role of subjective factors involved in the exercise of state power and transformation of the presidency institute of the aforementioned states. The aim of the article: to comparative study of the constitutional and legal status of Hungarian and Ukrainian presidents in the political and legal context and performing an appraisal of the personal impact exerted by the head of state on the government of the above-said countries. The research methodology: to observation and generalization; ordering of all basic elements; method of scientific generalization, which made it possible to formulate conclusions. As a result, it is established that the institution of the presidency in Ukraine is the core of the executive branch, which dominates the state system. In Hungary, the executive and legislative branches make up a political bloc (alliance) which is counterbalanced in certain relations by the constitutional court and judicial power. The subjective factor, namely personal qualities of presidents – career path, role perception, interpretation of powers – determines the political heft of the head of state. Subject to sufficient individual traits, a constitutionally “weak” president is able to influence the country’s development concept and the positioning strategy on the global scene.

scholarly journals KEDUDUKAN MAHKAMAH KONSTITUSI SEBAGAI LEMBAGA NEGARA BERDASARKAN UNDANG-UNDANG DASAR 1945

Solusi ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 94-105
Author(s):  
Johansyah Johansyah
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Vice President ◽  
Executive Branch ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
The Supreme Court ◽  
Election Results ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government

The Constitutional Court is the executive branch of the judiciary that is independent and separate from other branches of power, namely the government (executive) and legislative institutions. The Constitutional Court as a first and last level judiciary does not have an organizational structure as large as the Supreme Court which is the peak of a judicial system whose structure is vertically and horizontally covers five judicial environments, namely the general court environment, the state administrative court environment, the religious court environment, and military court environment. As an organ of judicial power that operates the judicial function, the Constitutional Court is independent, both structurally and functionally. The functions and authorities of the Constitutional Court based on Law No. 24 of 2003, namely the Constitutional Court has the authority to hear: Test the laws against the Republic of Indonesia 1945 Constitution; Decide on authority disputes between state institutions whose authority is granted by the Republic of Indonesia 1945 Constitution; Decide the dissolution of political parties; Decide disputes about election results; Give a verdict on the opinion of the House of Representatives that the President and / or Vice-President are suspected of violating the law in the form of treason, corruption, bribery, other serious crimes, or despicable acts, or no longer fulfill the conditions as President and or Vice President, as intended in the Republic of Indonesia 1945 Constitution.

scholarly journals Development of Powers of the Head of State in the Context of Amendments to the Constitution of the Russian Federation

Lex Russica ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 52-61
Author(s):  
S. V. Gunich ◽  
A. E. Stupnitskiy,
Keyword(s):  
Russian Federation ◽  
State Power ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Executive Branch ◽  
Gradual Transition ◽  
Practical Implementation ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
The Government

The paper expresses an opinion on the content of certain provisions and on the procedure for adopting amendments to the Constitution of the Russian Federation. Based on the analysis of the claims made against them by some categories of citizens, the directions of their further scientific understanding are determined. Proposals for improving a number of constitutional provisions are formulated. The authors focus on the consideration of the essence of the constitutional reform in terms of the redistribution of the powers of the head of state in the direction of strengthening popular representation in the formation of public authorities and the exercise of their functions. The study examines the formal consolidation and practical implementation of the competence of the President of the Russian Federation in relation to various branches of state power. Within the framework of the legislative function, it is noted that he is strengthening his position by gaining the opportunity to exert political influence on the senators of the Russian Federation, as well as using the institute of preliminary constitutional control. In the field of executive and administrative powers, the updated procedure for appointing members of the Government of the Russian Federation is considered in detail. Using the method of scientific modeling, the analysis of the influence of the houses of parliament on the process of formation of federal executive bodies is carried out. Based on this, it is concluded that the executive branch of state power is invariably dependent on the will of the President and that the constitutional provisions announcing the gradual transition of the Russian state to a parliamentary-presidential form of government are decorative. The authors express dissatisfaction against the denigration of the role of the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation to protection of the Constitution, rights and freedoms of man and citizen. It is concluded that the powers of the head of state are developing in the direction of strengthening his political influence on the process of implementation by state bodies of their daily activities and their adoption of legal decisions.

2002 Draft II: Head of State and the Executive Branch

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
W. Elliot Bulmer
Keyword(s):  
Formation Process ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Executive Branch ◽  
Government Formation ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
The Government

This, the second of three central chapters examining the SNP’s 2002 constitutional text, focuses on the roles and powers of the head of state, the government and the executive branch. It discusses the position of the monarchy in an independent Scotland, both in terms of its symbolic-ceremonial function and its constitutional powers, as well as examining the relationships between the prime minister, cabinet, and Parliament, in the proposed constitutional draft. A number of problems are identified, including inconsistencies and ambiguities surrounding the government formation process and reserve powers of the monarch in relation to government formation and the refusal of royal assent.

The Apogee of India - Nepal relations under NDA First Modi Government

2021 ◽  
pp. 166-171
Author(s):  
Afroz Ahmad ◽  
Usha Roopnarain
Keyword(s):  
Federal Government ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Parliamentary Election ◽  
Bharatiya Janata Party ◽  
The Absolute ◽  
The Government ◽  
Democratic Norms ◽  
First Time

The last Indian parliamentary election held in 2014, proved to be the finest example of India’s age-old commitment towards the pinnacle of democratic norms. India had set a niche by conducting the largest democratic franchise in history. First time ever since the 1984, Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) achieved the majority in the Lok Sabha without clubbing with coalition partners. It also got the absolute mandate to rule India’s federal government by ending the Congress monopoly. Interestingly, the Prime Ministerial candidate Narendra Modi in his campaigns criticized Congress-led United Progressive Alliance II (UPA II) for its impotency towards establishing friendly and cooperative relations with India’s neighbors. He also gave assurance that if his party (BJP) got the mandate, his leadership would adopt appropriate measures to resuscitate convivial ties with neighbors. Since forming the government, Prime Minister Modi has been persistently trying to pursue those promises by proceeding towards friendly ties with India’s neighbors. In the light of above discussion, this paper seeks to critically analyze the progress in Indo-Nepal relations under BJP government led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

scholarly journals Pozycja prawna wojewody w procesie przemian II Rzeczypospolitej

2021 ◽  
pp. 9-53
Author(s):  
Krystyna Wojtczak
Keyword(s):  
Local Government ◽  
Interwar Period ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
Local Administration ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
Legal Situation ◽  
State And Local Government ◽  
The Republic ◽  
State And Local ◽  
The Government

The article considers the legal status of the voivode during the interwar period, the time of the difficult restoration of the Polish identity and the creation of the Polish state in the post-Partition lands with three separate systems of territorial division and local administration. The legal situation of the office of the voivode is closely related to the establishment of the systemic foundations of the highest Polish authorities (legislative and executive) and local administration (initially, on the territory of the former Kingdom of Poland and then on the gradually annexed former Polish territories). The author refers to both spheres of legal activity of the Polish state at that time. She discusses the primary political acts, i.e. the March Constitution (1921), the April Constitution (1935) and the Constitutional Act (1926), as well as regulations concerning county administrative authorities of the first instance, situated in the then two-tier (ministries – county offices) administrative apparatus. Attention is primarily focused on the acts directly concerning the position of the voivode, i.e. the Act of 2 August 1919, the Regulation of the President of the Republic of 19 January 1928, and executive acts issued on the basis of these, and against whose background the importance of the legal institution of the voivode is presented: during the time of attempts to unify the administrative system (1918–1928), and in the period of changes leading to a uniform organisational structure of voivodship administrative authorities (1928–1939). The analysis makes it possible to state that successive legal conditions strengthened the political position of the voivode. In both periods covered by the analysis, the voivode was a representative of the government (with broader competences in 1928–1939), the executor of orders from individual ministers, the head of state and local government authorities and offices (1918–1928), the head of general administrative bodies subordinate to him, and the supervisory body over local government (1928–1939). The position of the voivode in the interwar period was unquestionably very strong.

A Constitutional Tradition in the Making: The Presidents’ Cases and the Role of Kosovo’s Constitutional Court in the Process of Democratic Consolidation

ICL Journal ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Qerim Qerimi ◽  
Vigan Qorrolli
Keyword(s):  
Political Stability ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Constitutional Courts ◽  
Political Landscape ◽  
First Case ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
Judicial Supremacy ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Constitutional Tradition

AbstractIn a period of less than a year, two decisions of the newly established Constitu­tional Court of the Republic of Kosovo resulted in the resignation of two Presidents of the new State. Ruling on the unconstitutionality of the act of simultaneously holding the position of the head of State and that of his political party, in one case; and ruling on the unconstitutionality of his election due to procedural irregularities in the other, the Court prompted fundamental changes to the political landscape of Kosovo that in the first case led to new and extraordinary elections, whereas in the second to a political arrangement that would ultimately lead to constitutional reforms. Following the Court’s decisions, both Presidents (Sejdiu and Pacolli) resigned from their posts.This article offers a textual analysis of the merits and controversies surrounding both decisions, which will be situated in the broader context of the seemingly powerful role of Constitutional Courts in certain societies in transition. The overall analysis demonstrates the weaknesses inherent to the initial stages of State formation, and to the foundational con­stitutional instrument, indicating the importance of the Constitution’s clarity for political stability. In an environment characterized by a dominant perception of a politicized judiciary, the Court’s decisions testify to the judicial activism of the Constitutional Court and, in terms of the substance and consequences of its key decisions, also to judicial supremacy. The Court’s decisions have also had some significance for testing the country’s political culture, a test that has been met in both cases eventually with compliance by those most affected.

Ethnic Voting and Political Change in South Africa

1974 ◽  
Vol 68 (4) ◽  
pp. 1520-1541 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stanton Peele ◽  
Stanley J. Morse
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Political Attitudes ◽  
Party Identification ◽  
Parliamentary Election ◽  
Related Factors ◽  
English Speaking ◽  
English Identity ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One

Immediately prior to the 1970 parliamentary election in the Republic of South Africa, 462 white voters in Cape Town were questioned about their demographic backgrounds, voting intentions, and political attitudes. The study showed that ethnicity is the major determinant of party vote: Afrikaners vote for the National Party, the English-speaking for the United Party. SES-related factors predict party identification only insofar as they covary with ethnicity. While a liberalization of political attitudes with rising SES can be observed, this has no bearing on electoral behavior. Party vote is not related to ideological or issue orientations, but is related to the intensity of the voter's identification with his own ethnic group and with white South Africans in general. Voters tend to react positively or negatively to the NP, with the UP serving chiefly as a vehicle for protest votes against the government. The slight drop in NP support in 1970 was due to a key group of abstainers who—while basically Nat supporters—were more liberal than those who said they would vote for the NP. It is “Ambiguous Afrikaners” (those who are changing to an “English” identity), and only some of those, who are defecting completely from their traditional political allegiance. They represent the one sign of potential change in South Africa's uniquely stable political system.

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