Migration and security: in search of reconciliation

2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 371-383 ◽  
Author(s):  
Islam Ahmed

In this paper a case is made for the necessity of an inter-disciplinary treatment of the migration phenomenon. The paper addresses the relation between migration and security from a reconciliatory perspective after a brief analysis of the migration-security nexus and how migration got securitised. Based on the Foucauldian notion of biopolitics, one can argue that what contributes heavily to the securitisation of migration is the emergence of biopower and biopolitics which are primarily concerned with the control over lives of the population within a given territory. This makes states and societies consider migration as a matter that should be under control, since it is related to the hygiene of the population and nationals of a given state. I, therefore, discuss the EU and other European countries’ policies regarding migration and how biopolitics have influenced securitising the EU’s migration policies. The main argument is that migration can, and should, be treated as an advantage rather than a threat, though it does not deny the security concerns that alway accompany such social phenomenon. The impact of culture and history on migration policies, and how identity politics shape a given country’s policies are discussed. Perceiving migration as either a threat or an opportunity, the way in which a country perceives migrants shapes its migration policies, whether restrictive or multiculturally-tolerant. 

2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ferdinando Ofria ◽  
Massimo Mucciardi

PurposeThe purpose is to analyze the spatially varying impacts of corruption and public debt as % of GDP (proxies of government failures) on non-performing loans (NPLs) in European countries; comparing two periods: one prior to the crisis of 2007 and another one after that. The authors first modeled the NPLs with an ordinary lest square (OLS) regression and found clear evidence of spatial instability in the distribution of the residuals. As a second step, the authors utilized the geographically weighted regression (GWR) to explore regional variations in the relationship between NPLs and the proxies of “Government failures”.Design/methodology/approachThe authors first modeled the NPL with an OLS regression and found clear evidence of spatial instability in the distribution of the residuals. As a second step, the author utilized the Geographically Weighted Regression (GWR) (Fotheringham et al., 2002) to explore regional variations in the relationship between NPLs and proxies of “Government failures” (corruption and public debt as % of GDP).FindingsThe results confirm that corruption and public debt as % of GDP, after the crisis of 2007, have affected significantly on NPLs of the EU countries and the following countries neighboring the EU: Switzerland, Iceland, Norway, Montenegro, and Turkey.Originality/valueIn a spatial prospective, unprecedented in the literature, this research focused on the impact of corruption and public debt as % of GDP on NPLs in European countries. The positive correlation, as expected, between public debt and NPLs highlights that fiscal problems in Eurozone countries have led to an important rise of problem loans. The impact of institutional corruption on NPLs reports that the higher the corruption, the higher is the level of NPLs.


2017 ◽  
Vol 65 (4) ◽  
pp. 663-681 ◽  
Author(s):  
Surya Monro ◽  
Sally Hines ◽  
Antony Osborne

This article provides a review of sexualities scholarship within the social sciences between 1970 and 2015. It takes an innovative approach by focusing on the way in which bisexuality is addressed in this body of literature. The article reveals the marginalisation, under-representation and invisibility of bisexuality within and across the social sciences in relation to both bisexual experience and identity. Reasons for this varied across the different eras, including the heterosexist nature of the literature, the impact of gay and lesbian-focused identity politics, and queer deconstructionism. In addition, patterns of bisexual erasure and invisibility were uneven, with some scholarship taking inclusive approaches or criticising prejudice against bisexuality. The initial findings of the review were enriched by critical commentary from key relevant sociologists and political scientists. The article concludes that future sexualities scholarship could be enhanced by greater consideration of bisexuality.


2021 ◽  
Vol 92 ◽  
pp. 08003
Author(s):  
Irina Atanasova ◽  
Tsvetomir Tsvetkov

Research background: The globalization of the European countries within the EU and the Eurozone is primarily economic and is expressed by the free trade and the movement of capital and labour, which determines the incomes and the GDP. Globalization and its impact on inequality is becoming an essential and problematic issue, especially in the context of on-going economic integration processes between the countries in Europe, which seek to converge their economic, social and political systems in the Euro area. The process of inequality has become even more relevant in the context of globalization. Purpose of the article: The paper aims to examine the impact of globalization on the inequality in the developed and the emerging economies in Europe. Methods: On the basis of an econometric assessment, a comparative analysis of the effect of globalization on the inequality in the developed European countries and the emerging countries is carried out. Findings & Value added: The paper analyses the essential aspects and the effects of the income inequality dynamics, both horizontally and vertically. It also addresses the question of whether the effect of globalization on the economic growth and the inequality is the same for the developing and the developed countries, respectively. Based on the research, seven important conclusions are reached.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 92-104 ◽  
Author(s):  
Merethe Dotterud Leiren ◽  
Kacper Szulecki ◽  
Tim Rayner ◽  
Catherine Banet

The impact of renewables on the energy markets–falling wholesale electricity prices and lower investment stability–are apparently creating a shortage of energy project financing, which in future could lead to power supply shortages. Governments have responded by introducing payments for capacity, alongside payments for energy being sold. The increasing use of capacity mechanisms (CMs) in the EU has created tensions between the European Commission, which encourages cross-country cooperation, and Member States that favour backup solutions such as capacity markets and strategic reserves. We seek to trace the influence of the European Commission on national capacity markets as well as learning between Member States. Focusing on the United Kingdom, France and Poland, the analysis shows that energy security concerns have been given more emphasis than the functioning of markets by Member States. Policy developments have primarily been domestically driven, but the European Commission has managed to impose certain elements, most importantly a uniform methodology to assess future supply security, as well as specific requirements for national capacity markets: interconnectors to neighbouring countries, demand side responses and continuous revision of CMs. Learning from other Member States’ experiences also play a role in policy decisions.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-11
Author(s):  
Viacheslav Morozov

A defining feature of new nationalisms, with their right-wing populist rhetoric, is the way they exploit the regime of truth prevalent in liberal democratic societies. Their use of the language of democracy, human rights and identity is sometimes hard to differentiate from the mainstream convention. Despite being majoritarian in the way it seeks democratic legitimacy, new nationalist discourse consistently advances demands framed in terms of minority protection. This is done by presenting the existence of ‘our’ nation as threatened by overwhelming forces of neo-liberal globalisation (embodied in the EU, the West or even in ‘the Washington establishment’). By using the Pussy Riot case as an empirical example, this article argues that there is no way of preventing the language of minority protection from being hijacked by ‘predatory identities’ unless one foregrounds the universal dimension of equality and emancipation, as opposed to rights and entitlements associated with particular identities. The key political question today, as always, is how to navigate between the totalitarian disregard of the local and the parochialist concentration on the particular.


Author(s):  
James W. Pardew

The T&E Program moves forward despite constant international interference and difficult relations between the Muslims and the Croats. The EU embargo on Bosnia prevents East European countries from selling equipment to the Federation. However, the Dutch agree to the sale of nonlethal trucks. The Secretaries of State and Defense demand the removal of the Bosnian Muslim Deputy Minister of Defense Cengic from his position. In a compromise, both the Muslim and Croat ministers in Bosnia are fired, clearing the way for the unloading of American military equipment destined for delivery to the Federation. Gradually, T&E makes progress, but serious problems remain between the Federation partners.


2018 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 558-565 ◽  
Author(s):  
TOM BULLER

Abstract:According to a familiar distinction, neuroethics incorporates the neuroscience of ethics and the ethics of neuroscience. Within neuroethics, these two parts have provoked distinct and separate lines of inquiry, and there has been little discussion of how the two parts overlap. In the present article, I try to draw a connection between these two parts by considering the implications that are raised for ethics by scientific findings about the way we make moral decisions. The main argument of the article is that although neuroscience is “stretching” ethics by revealing the empirical basis of our moral decisions and, thereby, challenging our present understanding of the dominant ethical theories, substantial further questions remain regarding the impact that neuroscience will have on ethics more broadly.


2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 158 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gareth Cuerden ◽  
Colin Rogers

 Most countries consist of many diverse races and cultures, based on historical political decisions, wars or economic changes. Throughout Europe over the past decades the policy of free movement for work as part of the EU agreements has encouraged this activity. Indeed this has been a fundamental idea behind the European Union ever since its inception. However, what can the consequences be for those individuals who, encouraged by such policies, find themselves located in a country which has decided to no longer be part of that system? In particular what impact does this decision appear to have on the way those considered to be “racially different” are treated by others? This article explores the impact the recent decision by Great Britain took to leave the EU (so called Brexit) and its impact upon the number of racially recorded hate crimes in Wales. Using examples from terrorist incidents in Europe, along with the Brexit result, as examples, it provides clear evidence that when certain incidents occur in wider society, there is an impact upon the way in which so called non-indigenous people are treated, which results in an increase in criminality. These results will have resonance for other countries with a mixed population, as well as having implications for those agencies involved in the protection and safety of all inhabitants in their country.


Subject The impact of Brexit on northern European countries. Significance The United Kingdom's vote to leave the EU presents a particular challenge to northern EU countries -- some of which are, like the United Kingdom, not members of the euro-area -- as they will lose a powerful ally for a more competitive, fiscally disciplined and globally oriented EU. Impacts Brexit could accelerate a closer economic, financial and fiscal integration of the euro-area, which many non-euro-area capitals oppose. Brexit could widen the gap between an 'inner circle' of euro-area members and a periphery of non-euro ones. The loss of UK contributions to the EU budget means that the burden shouldered by northern EU countries, all net contributors, will rise.


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