scholarly journals DMYTRO LEVYTSKYI IN THE UKRAINIANS' LIBERATION STRUGGLE IN 1914–1923

2018 ◽  
Vol 31 ◽  
pp. 170-180
Author(s):  
Ihor SOLIAR
Keyword(s):  
Active Part ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
The West ◽  
National Union ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
Political Views ◽  
Foreign Policies ◽  
Central Council ◽  
Liberation Struggle

The article provides an analysis of the socio-political and diplomatic activities of Dmytro Levytskyi in 1914–1923, such as participation in revolutionary events in the Dnieper region in 1917–1918; directions of his diplomatic activity in Denmark in 1919–1920; priorities of emigration community work in Vienna in 1921–1922. It was noted that during the national liberation struggle, he, along with other leading figures of the Ukrainian People's Republic (UNR), did his best to establish the statehood and unification of Ukrainian lands. However, numerous miscalculations of leaders of the young state in the domestic and foreign policies made it impossible to realize the primordial aspirations of Ukrainians. The author presents a review of Dmytro Levytskyi's political views and activities: he welcomed the formation of the Central Council of Ukraine, the proclamation of the independence of the UNR, the signing of the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk; as a member of the Galicia-Bukovyna Council he joined the Ukrainian National Union, which advocated the overthrow of the Hetman's power; due to his permanent stay in the capital of the UNR, he did not take an active part in the November disruption, 1918, and the formation of state institutions of the West Ukrainian People's Republic (ZUNR). However, the ZUNR leadership used his acquaintance with prominent figures of the UNR for establishing bilateral relations with the UNR Directory with the further prospect of unification of two Ukrainian states. Keywords Dmytro Levytskyi, Ukrainian Revolution, Unification of the UNR and ZUNR, diplomatic activity.

Century of Ukraine's diplomatic service

2017 ◽  
pp. 77-94
Author(s):  
Yuriy Makar
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
State Committee ◽  
The West ◽  
Sovereign State ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
National University ◽  
Central Council ◽  
History Of ◽  
Late Twentieth

On December 22, 2017 the Ukrainian Diplomatic Service marked the 100thanniversary of its establishment and development. In dedication to such a momentous event, the Department of International Relations of Yuriy Fedkovych Chernivtsi National University has published a book of IR Dept’s ardent activity since its establishment. It includes information both in Ukrainian and English on the backbone of the collective and their versatile activities, achievements and prospects for the future. The author delves into retracing the course of the history of Ukrainian Diplomacy formation and development. The author highlights the roots of its formation, reconsidering a long way of its development that coincided with the formation of basic elements of Ukrainian statehood that came into existence as a result of the war of national liberation – the Ukrainian Central Rada (the Central Council of Ukraine). Later, the Ukrainian or so-called State the Hetmanate was under study. The Directorat (Directory) of Ukraine, being a provisional collegiate revolutionary state committee of the Ukrainian People’s Republic, was given a thorough study. Of particular interest for the research are diplomatic activities of the West Ukrainian People`s Republic. Noteworthy, the author emphasizes on the Ukrainian Socialist Soviet Republic’s foreign policy, forced by the Bolshevist Russia. A further important implication is both the challenges of the Ukrainian statehood establishing and Ukraine’s functioning as a state, first and foremost, stemmed from the immaturity and conscience-unawareness of the Ukrainian society, that, ultimately, has led to the fact, that throughout the twentieth century Ukraine as a statehood, being incorporated into the Soviet Union, could hardly be recognized as a sovereign state. Our research suggests that since the beginning of the Ukrainian Diplomacy establishment and its further evolution, it used to be unprecedentedly fabricated and forged. On a wider level, the research is devoted to centennial fight of Ukraine against Russian violence and aggression since the WWI, when in 1917 the Russian Bolsheviks, headed by Lenin, started real Russian war against Ukraine. Apropos, in the about-a-year-negotiation run, Ukraine, eventually, failed to become sovereign. Remarkably, Ukraine finally gained its independence just in late twentieth century. Nowadays, Russia still regards Ukraine as a part of its own strategic orbit,waging out a carrot-and-stick battle. Keywords: The Ukrainian People’s Republic, the State of Ukraine, the Hetmanate, the Direcorat (Directory) of Ukraine, the West Ukrainian People`s Republic, the Ukrainian Socialist Soviet Republic, Ukraine, the Bolshevist Russia, the Russian Federation, Ukrainian diplomacy

‘There shall be no musical servitude’: Towards a Multitudinous Shostakovich in the West

2020 ◽  
Vol 145 (2) ◽  
pp. 495-505
Author(s):  
EIRINI DIAMANTOULI
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Musical Style ◽  
The West ◽  
Political Views ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
The One ◽  
The Cold War

Ideologically motivated attempts to elucidate Shostakovich’s political views and to determine whether and how they may be coded into his compositions have come to characterize the Western reception of the composer’s works since his death in 1975. Fuelled by the political oppositions of the cold war, Shostakovich’s posthumous reputation in the West has been largely shaped by two conflicting perspectives. These have positioned him on the one hand as a secret dissident, bent and broken under the unbearable strain of totalitarianism, made heroic through his veiled musical resistance to Communism; and on the other hand as a composer compromised by his capitulation to the regime – represented in an anachronistic musical style. Both perspectives surrender Shostakovich and his music to a crude oversimplification driven by vested political interests. Western listeners thus conditioned are primed to hear either the coded dissidence of a tragic victim of Communist brutality or the sinister submission of a ‘loyal son of the Communist Party’.1 For those prepared to accept Shostakovich as a ‘tragic victim’, the publication of his purported memoirs in 1979, ‘as related to and edited by’ the author Solomon Volkov, presents a tantalizing conclusion: bitterly yet discreetly scornful of the Stalinist regime, Shostakovich was indeed a secret dissident and this dissidence was made tangible in his music.

scholarly journals The political consequences of the product cycle: industrial history and political outcomes

1979 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-34 ◽  
Author(s):  
James R. Kurth
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
International Political Economy ◽  
Product Cycle ◽  
The West ◽  
Political Consequences ◽  
Industrial History ◽  
Political Outcomes ◽  
Foreign Policies ◽  
The Impact

What explains the continuing stagnation in the industrial economies of the West? What will be the impact of such stagnation upon domestic politics and upon international relations? Are there domestic and foreign policies which the state can undertake to bring about a return to sustained economic prosperity and a recapitulation of that lost golden age of 1948–1973? These are now the central questions for scholars in the emerging field of international political economy. A recent special issue of International Organization, edited by Peter Katzenstein, has presented some of the most useful and sophisticated approaches to these questions and analyses of the international political economy of the West during the period of the last thirty years.

scholarly journals THE USE OF HEROISM IN THE ZIMBABWE AFRICAN NATIONAL UNION-PATRIOTIC FRONT (ZANU-PF) INTRA-PARTY FACTIONAL DYNAMICS

2020 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Tyanai Masiya ◽  
Godfrey Maringira
Keyword(s):  
Group Dynamics ◽  
National Union ◽  
Liberation Struggle ◽  
Party Group

Much of what we know about Zimbabwe's liberation war heroes and heroines is associated with the Zimbabwe African National Union- Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF)'s recognition of individuals who defended its hold on power. However, of late, an upsurge in factionalism in the party has resulted in increasing reference to heroism as a means to exert factional dominance. An understanding of how this has been done can be used to explain ZANU-PF factional dynamics. Current studies call for the study of factionalism to focus on intra-party group dynamics instead of the traditional organisation forms of factions. It is in this context that this study argues that survival or fall of factions within (ZANU-PF) is framed around issues of heroism that is around one's perceived contribution or non-contribution to the liberation struggle. This article demonstrates this growing phenomenon in ZANU-PF veteran leaders whose status has been reshaped by new political moments as factionalism intensified. Inlight of rising factionalism, we argue that, war hero/heroine status in ZANU-PF is not permanent, but is highly shaped by obtaining factional political moments.

scholarly journals Russian diplomacy and the liberal Russian press on the events of the Ten-Year War of Independence (1868-1878)

2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 54-85
Author(s):  
Ivkina Liudmila ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
Objective Information ◽  
War Of Independence ◽  
Liberation Movement ◽  
Liberation Struggle

The article examines Russia's position on the War of Independence in Cuba (1868-1878), which marked the beginning of a long process of national liberation. The tone of the reports of Russian diplomats from Spain and the United States was determined by the policy of neutrality and non-interference typical of Russia's foreign policy towards Spain after Аlexander II's accession to the Russian throne in 1855. Events of the liberation struggle of the Cuban people, methods and forms of liberation movement, the policy of the United States and Spain in relation to the war of independence in Cuba received coverage in the liberal Russian press, such publications as "World Illustration", "The Case", "The Herald of Europe". Articles and notes contained objective information about the events taking place in Cuba, expressed feelings of solidarity and support for the Cuban people, condemned the policy of Spain, which sought by any means to suppress the revolutionary process, criticized the Cuban policy of the United States, persecuted their vested economic interests and not interested in the independence of Cu-ba.

CURRENT TRENDS IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF ECONOMIC COOPERATION BETWEEN RUSSIA AND MONGOLIA

2021 ◽  
pp. 83-95
Author(s):  
Tatiana V. Lezhenina ◽  
Keyword(s):  
World Economy ◽  
Economic Cooperation ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
Economic Potential ◽  
Asia Pacific Region ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
Current Trends ◽  
Small Countries ◽  
Foreign Policies

In the post-Soviet era, after a period of stagnation of the 90s, Russia and Mongolia began to actively cooperate, using and updating the economic potential created during the years of cooperation between Mongolia and the USSR. Goal. Explore modern conditions for the transition from stagnation in relations between Russia and Mongolia to cooperation. Tasks. Assess the readiness of the two countries to resume wide-ranging communications on mutually beneficial conditions. Methodology. The use of methods of scientific knowledge, the experience of economic relations of large and small countries in conditions of instability of the world economy, new threats and challenges in the XXI century. Results. It is proved that on the basis of mutually beneficial economic cooperation and coordination of domestic and foreign policies, Russia and Mongolia have created guarantees to maintain peace and promote integration in the Asia-Pacific region. Findings. Using the example of studying bilateral relations between Russia and Mongolia together with tripartite ones in the new Russia-Mongolia-China format, the possibility of reducing the dominance of China's role in Mongolia, reducing American influence and pressure on the leadership of Mongolia in order to weaken the Russian and Chinese presence is proved.

The Union Army’s Struggle over the Limits of Confiscation in the West

2018 ◽  
pp. 8-35
Author(s):  
Kristopher A. Teters
Keyword(s):  
The West ◽  
Fugitive Slaves ◽  
Border States ◽  
Political Views ◽  
Limited Scope

From the beginning of the war to the summer of 1862, officers in the West adopted policies toward fugitive slaves that ranged from barring them altogether from their lines to aggressively liberating them. In August 1861, Congress offered some guidance on the issue with the First Confiscation Act, but the act’s limited scope led to minimal confiscation or none at all by top officers. Sensitive to the sentiments of border states like Missouri, who supported the Union but wanted slavery preserved, Lincoln was not yet ready to push for emancipation. At times, however, officers in the Border South still carried out the First Confiscation Act, but much depended on the dispositions and political views of the officers. Some Union officers, like William T. Sherman, Henry Halleck, and Ulysses S. Grant, held conservative views and pushed back against letting fugitive slaves enter Union lines and confiscating slaves belonging to Unionists. Officers, particularly in states like Tennessee, Alabama, and Louisiana, had very different ideas about how to handle fugitive slaves, and they were willing to pursue them even if it meant conflict with each other, their superiors or subordinates, or Washington.

National Liberation Struggle

Guinea-Bissau ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 27-39
Author(s):  
Carlos Lopes ◽  
Michael Wolfers
Keyword(s):  
National Liberation ◽  
Liberation Struggle

In Defense of Religious Freedom

2019 ◽  
pp. 16-44
Author(s):  
Daniel Philpott
Keyword(s):  
Religious Freedom ◽  
Human Right ◽  
The West ◽  
Foreign Policies ◽  
The Law ◽  
New Critics

This chapter makes the case for religious freedom as a universal human right. It argues that religion is a universal human phenomenon and a good that merits protection by the law. It argues against the “new critics,” who hold that there is no universal phenomenon called religion, that religion and religious freedom are inventions of the modern West and have deep Protestant roots, that the West has imposed religious freedom through its power in colonialist and imperialist fashion, particularly vis-à-vis Islam, and that religious freedom ought not to be exported through the foreign policies of Western states. To each of these assertions, the chapter offers counterarguments.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document