Urbanites and Urban Villagers: Comparing ‘Home’ Among Elite and Non-elite Bamiléké Women's Hometown Associations

Africa ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 80 (3) ◽  
pp. 371-396 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pamela Feldman-Savelsberg ◽  
Tiokou Ndonko
Keyword(s):  
Social Networks ◽  
Network Structure ◽  
The Political ◽  
Hometown Associations ◽  
Western Province ◽  
Shared Identity ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
The City ◽  
Urban Villages

Most work on the political implications of hometown associations has focused on male elites. This contribution attends instead to the gendered varieties of hometown associations, exploring variations in the bases of shared identity among six Bamiléké women's hometown associations – hailing from Ndé Division, Western Province, and organized in both elite and neighbourhood-based non-elite associations – in Yaoundé, Cameroon. It suggests several ways to reconceptualize hometown associations and belonging. Addressing the situationally specific ways Bamiléké women use and interpret ‘home’, the unit of belonging, it differentiates among actors and associations by gender and status. Viewing the autochthony debate from the perspective of allogènes, it reveals that the emotions of memory, marginalization and recognition are central to belonging, understandings of home, and involvement in hometown associations. Finally, it suggests that differences in associations’ network structure affect both orientations and actions toward the home place, and at times an ‘ethnicization’ of ‘home’. The non-elite hometown associations exhibit the dense, bounded networks of ‘urban villages’ and strive to bring ‘home’ to the city. Members of elite hometown associations are urbanites, developing social networks consisting of more diverse and specialized ties, which may account for more universalistic discourse about bringing ‘development’ to the hometown.

scholarly journals Anxiety disorder and consumption of social media in Brazil

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (5) ◽  
pp. 316-326
Author(s):  
Tarcisio Torres Silva
Keyword(s):  
Social Networks ◽  
Social Media ◽  
Anxiety Disorder ◽  
World Health ◽  
Political Polarization ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Changes ◽  
The World ◽  
Health Organization ◽  
The City

Brazilian population spends a lot of time on social media. The average access from any device is 3 hours and 39 minutes (The Global, 2018). On the other hand, the country leads the numbers of anxiety disorder among the population. According to the World Health Organization, the incidence in the country is 9.3%, while the world average is 3.5%. This number is even higher in big cities, reaching 19.9% in the city of São Paulo (Horta, 2019). Possible causes are economic instability, social changes and violence (Horta, 2019). Add to that the political polarization in recent years and the intensive use of gadgets, private chat applications, such as Whatsapp, and social networks. In this work, we focus on the influence of social networks in the development of Brazilian anxiety. Our hypothesis is that the intensity of use reinforces the existence of other factors of anxiety increase (economy, violence, political division, etc.) through the sharing of news, besides adding others, such as self-display, performativity and the need of always being in evidence in social networks. As a method, we will work with content analysis (news and images) from the main social networking platforms used in Brazil.

scholarly journals The state of public city protection movements (on the example of Barnaul)

2020 ◽  
pp. 33-41
Author(s):  
Dmitrii Anatolevich Kachusov
Keyword(s):  
Social Networks ◽  
Social Issues ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Self Presentation ◽  
City Life ◽  
The Social ◽  
Public Consciousness ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The City

The subject of this article is the city protection movement in Barnaul. On the background of strengthening of authoritarian trends in political life of the country, takes place reorientation of the vector of civil activity from solution of the political problems of federal scale towards the local social issues. Namely the local public movements become an important element in the society of separate cities that allow the interaction between civil activists, society, and municipal authorities. The advancement of Internet and social networks greatly contributed to broadening of the audience of city protection communities, growth of opportunities for their influence upon public consciousness and government authorities. Assessment of the size, publication activity and staff composition of the city mono-problem communities in social networks in the key method for studying the city public movements. The research determined the presents of a number of organizations in Barnaul oriented toward the general questions (preservation of historical center of the city, protection of park zones, etc.), as well as solution of particular problems. The author also underlines a large portion of youth (below 30 years of age) among the members of city protection communities. Despite the fact that currently the social database is restricted, members of the communities actively participate in city life, using the Internet as an environment for public self-presentation and channel for communication with population, government, and mass media.

Squatters and migrants in Madrid: Interactions, contexts and cycles

Urban Studies ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 54 (11) ◽  
pp. 2472-2489 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miguel Angel Martínez López
Keyword(s):  
Latin American ◽  
Urban Space ◽  
The Political ◽  
Mutual Relationship ◽  
Police Harassment ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
The Social ◽  
City Space ◽  
Nuanced Understanding ◽  
The City

Squatters and migrants use the city space in a peculiar and anomalous manner. Their contributions to the social and political production of urban space are not usually considered crucial. Furthermore, their mutual relationship is under-researched. In this paper I investigate the participation of migrants in the squatting of abandoned buildings. This may entail autonomous forms of occupation but also various kinds of interactions with native squatters. By looking historically at the city of Madrid I distinguish four major forms of interactions. I collect evidence in order to show that deprivation-based squatting is not necessarily the prevailing type. The forms of ‘empowerment’ and ‘engagement’ were increasingly developed while ‘autonomy’ and ‘solidarity’ were continuously present. These variations occurred because of specific drivers within the cycles of movements’ protests and other social and political contexts which facilitated the cooperation between squatters and migrants, although language barriers, discrimination in the housing market and police harassment constrained them too. Therefore, I argue first that two key social organisations triggered the interactions in different protest cycles. Second, I show how, in spite of the over-representation of Latin American migrants, the political squatting movement in Madrid has consistently incorporated groups of migrants and their struggles in accordance with anti-fascist, anti-racist and anti-xenophobic claims and practices. The analysis also provides a nuanced understanding about the ‘political’ implications of squatting when migrants are involved.

Geographies of Displacement in the Creative City: The Case of Liberty Village, Toronto

Urban Studies ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 46 (5-6) ◽  
pp. 1095-1114 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Paul Catungal ◽  
Deborah Leslie ◽  
Yvonne Hii
Keyword(s):  
Inner City ◽  
Creative Industries ◽  
The Political ◽  
Development Discourse ◽  
Place Making ◽  
Creative City ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
Attraction And Retention ◽  
New Industry ◽  
The City

Creative industries are increasingly associated with employment, tourism and the attraction and retention of talent in economic development discourse. However, there is a need to foreground the interests involved in promoting the creative city and the political implications of such policies. This paper analyses new industry formation in Liberty Village—a cultural industry precinct in inner-city Toronto, Canada. The focus is on the place-making strategies at work in constructing Liberty Village. In particular, the paper explores a series of displacements associated with creative districts, focusing on three scales in particular—the level of the city, the neighbourhood and the precinct itself. An examination of these displacements foregrounds the contested nature of the creative city script.

A Note on The Political Implications of Proxenia In The Fourth Century B.C.

1958 ◽  
Vol 8 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 185-191 ◽  
Author(s):  
S. Perlman
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Fourth Century ◽  
Main Line ◽  
The Political ◽  
Popular Vote ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The City

In his speech against Meidias Demosthenes describes the arrogant and proud behaviour of his opponent in which Meidias persists in spite of the popular vote condemning him. Whenever there is voting, Demosthenes says, Meidias is put forward as a candidate; he is the proxenos of Plutarch, he knows everything, the city is too small for his aspirations. This illustration of the enormous popularity of an Athenian politician shows his predominant influence in the two spheres of domestic and foreign policy. The main line of this foreign policy —the passage is obviously intended as an accusation—is expressed by the relationship of proxenia and xenia between Meidias and Plutarch, the leading politician of Eretria who, pro-Athenian at first, changed his attitude and almost brought disaster on the Athenian army intervening in Euboea.

Buildings, Politics, and the Monumentality of Antonine Cities

2007 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edmund Thomas
Keyword(s):  
Roman Empire ◽  
The Political ◽  
Monumental Architecture ◽  
Political Aspect ◽  
Public And Private ◽  
Public Building ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
Large Numbers ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The City

We have seen how the forms of individual buildings under the Antonines reflected the desires of patrons or architects to achieve what we might call ‘monumentality’, often at the expense of other, less imposing buildings around them. But as these were public buildings they also reflected on the dignity of the city. Every town in the Roman Empire was an amalgam of many different single constructions that each represented the aspirations of their builders. So how far did entire Roman cities possess ‘monumentality’ in their own right, and how much did individual monumental buildings contribute to it? Did the monumentality of the city amount to more than the sum of its parts? And to what extent did monumental architecture, which for individual patrons and architects involved self-assertion and rivalry with others, express a spirit of inter-city rivalry that threatened the unity of Empire? Buildings have political meaning in many ways. Various facets of the political aspect of architecture in the ancient world have been set out by Wolfgang Sonne. First, the erection of a public building is itself a political and public activity, because it is a highly visible process and involves large numbers of workmen. The impact of this factor on popular awareness of architecture is often neglected, but the monuments of contractors employed during the building boom in Flavian and Trajanic Rome suggest that the physical aspects of construction, such as huge cranes and scaffolding structures, had themselves a certain monumentality. Second, the visual layout of public architecture can have political implications, especially the relative amounts of space given to public and private buildings and their distribution and size. In this way architecture shows how power is shared in a community. Third, some buildings are political in function, not only assemblybuildings like the Roman Curia Julia, but also audience-halls, public precincts, temples, theatres, and amphitheatres housing imperial rituals. Finally, architecture can be used as a medium of political propaganda: for example, public spaces like the Fora of Augustus and Trajan, adorned with deliberately chosen political statuary, or the imperial palaces of Augustus or Domitian.

scholarly journals ESPACIOS PÚBLICOS Y ORDEN URBANO: EL COMERCIO EN VÍA PÚBLICA, CONFLICTOS, ORGANIZACIONES Y LEGITIMACIÓN

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (22) ◽  
pp. 23
Author(s):  
Antonio Bailey
Keyword(s):  
Social Networks ◽  
Public Spaces ◽  
The Political ◽  
Redes Sociales ◽  
Right To Work ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Right ◽  
The City ◽  
Real State

La situación de todos los espacios público en la ciudad de Sucre, en especial en las zonas aledañas a los mercados central y campesino, se encuentra muy deteriorada por la invasión del comercio en vías públicas. El estudio aborda la temática espacios públicos y orden urbano realizando un acercamiento a la definición de estos conceptos, tratando de comprender el rol de los espacios públicos en la vida de las ciudades. Se muestra el estado real de los espacios públicos destinados al tránsito de vehículos y personas en Sucre, cuyos resultados evidencian una ciudad sitiada por el comercio callejero que se fortalece en el discurso del derecho al trabajo y en el poder político que han adquirido sus organizaciones aprovechando un sistema político Nacional.Palabras claveEspacios públicos; ciudadanía; orden urbano; comercio callejero; redes sociales; legitimación Abstracthe situation of all public spaces in the city of Sucre, especially in the areas surrounding the central and peasant markets, is greatly deteriorated by the invasion of trade on public roads. The study addresses the theme of public spaces and urban order by approaching the definition of these concepts, trying to understand the role of public spaces in the life of cities. It shows the real state of public spaces for the transit of vehicles and people in Sucre, whose results show a city besieged by street commerce that is strengthened in the discourse of the right to work and the political power that their organizations have acquired, taking advantage of a national political system.KeywordsPublic spaces; citizenship; urban order; street trade; social networks; legitimation

scholarly journals Authoritarianism and Resistance

2021 ◽  
pp. 103-139
Author(s):  
Jeremiah Morelock ◽  
Felipe Ziotti Narita
Keyword(s):  
Social Networks ◽  
Social Media ◽  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
Social Order ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Late Modernity ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
National Boundaries

We tie together and explicate the political implications of the trends discussed in previous chapters. For Fromm, sadomasochistic desires are bred from modern alienation, and these desires can fuel authoritarian social movements. For Foucault, modern authoritarianism (and genocide) is fed by the idea that the state needs to protect the normal majority from the abnormal minority (biopolitics). Giddens says in ‘late modernity’ people distrust experts, long for authenticity, lose concern with morality and fixate on avoiding risk. With the rise of global social networks, there is also a lot of reaction against globalisation. Facing porous national boundaries, many people push back against multiculturalism, seeing it as a threat to their social order. Providing examples from different countries, we describe how in other, more direct ways, social media plays into authoritarian populist ends that subvert liberal democracy. We suggest that when political leaders use Twitter and Facebook they too can project spectacular selves, and post messages that make them appear more authentic and connected to ‘the people’. At the same time, social media also offers new channels and tools for protest, activism, and anti-authoritarianism. The ‘agitation games’ of authoritarian political figures inspire their own opposition as part of their method of inspiring their own movements. Authoritarianism is a growing reality, but so is anti-authoritarianism.

scholarly journals A comunicação pública digital da Câmara Municipal de Itapevi no Facebook e as possibilidades de letramento político / The digital public communication of the Municipality of Itapevi on Facebook and the possibilities of political literacy

2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (22) ◽  
pp. 219-240
Author(s):  
Luiz-Alberto de Farias ◽  
Marcelo-Simões Damasceno
Keyword(s):  
Social Networks ◽  
Social Network ◽  
Political Knowledge ◽  
City Council ◽  
Communication Strategy ◽  
Public Communication ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Literacy ◽  
The City

The following study seeks to understand how the Facebook page of the City Council of Itapevi, Brazil, made political literacy possible through political education, discussions on the political agenda, and mobilization in its communication on the social network. The corpus of the analysis brings together 683 publications made in 2019, a period in which the page showed an increase in audience compared to the previous year (2018). The quantitative research, though with a qualitative look, identified posts that made political knowledge possible to the citizen, as well as interviews to understand the use of the social network by the institution. An appropriate analysis to understand the use of the network by the public body, since the latest survey by DataSenado shows that 74% of Brazilians have or have had a social network - Facebook, Whatsapp, Instagram, or Twitter. A significant number, especially when compared to data from the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE), from 2019, indicates that two-thirds of the country's population (69.8%) have an internet connection. These numbers drive the research of communicologists and political scientists, who seek to understand how this communication network is being part of people's daily lives. Mainly taking into account that the internet, and especially social networks, are becoming a space where different people connect, share content and participate in the political debate a few clicks away. The internet's expansion in Brazil and the number of people connected to networks made different public bodies create profiles on social networks to interact with people. A new channel that aims to establish a rapprochement with this digital audience, ensure transparency in management and encourage the participation of everyone in the decision-making process. As occurred at the City Council of Itapevi (CMI, in Portuguese). However, to guarantee a minimum of success in this digital endeavor, the information available on the networks must be of public interest and its content must be accessible, allowing citizens to understand how public authorities work and to know the process of choosing representatives. A knowledge that can be shared with the citizen through political literacy, as highlighted by Cosson (2016: 51): “these are knowledge related to the functioning of the State, with an emphasis on democratic mechanisms, which involves, on one hand, a knowledge about elections, parties and institutions, and on the other hand, the rights and duties of the citizen”. Therefore, the article was divided into four parts, in addition to the final considerations. The first seeks to clarify the difference between public and political communication; the second addresses how Facebook has supported CMI's communication strategy. Furthermore, there is a literature review on political literacy. Finally, the objective of this study: an analysis of the possibility of political literacy through publications made on the CMI profile on Facebook, in 2019, which concludes that the page is a virtual space for debate and public expression in the city, with growth potential for the promotion of citizenship and political knowledge. The study is based on publications in the areas of public communication (Matos, 2000; Marques, 2009; Correia, 2010), social networks (Recuero, 2009; Ferrari, 2004, Silva, 2020), and political literacy (Cosson, 2020; Biesta, 2009).

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