scholarly journals The state of public city protection movements (on the example of Barnaul)

2020 ◽  
pp. 33-41
Author(s):  
Dmitrii Anatolevich Kachusov

The subject of this article is the city protection movement in Barnaul. On the background of strengthening of authoritarian trends in political life of the country, takes place reorientation of the vector of civil activity from solution of the political problems of federal scale towards the local social issues. Namely the local public movements become an important element in the society of separate cities that allow the interaction between civil activists, society, and municipal authorities. The advancement of Internet and social networks greatly contributed to broadening of the audience of city protection communities, growth of opportunities for their influence upon public consciousness and government authorities. Assessment of the size, publication activity and staff composition of the city mono-problem communities in social networks in the key method for studying the city public movements. The research determined the presents of a number of organizations in Barnaul oriented toward the general questions (preservation of historical center of the city, protection of park zones, etc.), as well as solution of particular problems. The author also underlines a large portion of youth (below 30 years of age) among the members of city protection communities. Despite the fact that currently the social database is restricted, members of the communities actively participate in city life, using the Internet as an environment for public self-presentation and channel for communication with population, government, and mass media.

2011 ◽  
Vol 136 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
Helen Green

This article examines the employment of brass instrumentalists in German cities around 1500, as a reflection of the political circumstances of the epoch, where rivalry between the distinct components of the social hierarchy encouraged the assertion of power and status through musical patronage. Archival records and contemporary chronicles provide invaluable insights into the performances of civic brass instrumentalists, whether in the provision of signals (by the city watchmen or those who played alongside the cities’ troops) or for the entertainment of the citizens and their guests (within the civic instrumental ensembles – the Stadtpfeifer (‘town pipers’)). Although the use of ambiguous nomenclature in contemporary records can hinder a definitive understanding of the instruments used by these musicians, the musicians different duties within the city walls can often be inferred. Important insights can thereby be gained into the extent of the patronage of these civic brass instrumentalists, their roles within everyday city life, and their resultant contribution to the communication of civic strength to the populace and their guests.


1997 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. 213-229 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Curran

This rhetorical question was poseu by Jerome in AD 411 to challenge a young man of good family from Toulouse who was contemplating the responsibilities of monastic life. The old man of Bethlehem wrote on city life with some authority; he had achieved fame and notoriety simultaneously at the court of Pope Damasus in Rome in the 380s.2 And yet, as both men knew well, the moral and physical dangers of the city, the latter resoundingly demonstrated by the Gothic capture of Rome in the previous year, had not prompted the rejection of urban life by western Christians, save by a small and eccentric group of extreme ascetics. Jerome's praise for this group is well known, and his criticism of less committed Christians in Rome is legendary. But when one examines the uniquely vivid testimony of Jerome's letters, one can detect beneath the praise and polemic a vigorous struggle for the support of the city's elite. The social background to the struggle as revealed in Jerome's writings is the subject of this article. What emerges is a complex, contradictory and divided Christian community which Jerome unsuccessfully attempted to influence, a failure that brought final and ignominious exile from Rome.


Author(s):  
Anastasiya Avenirovna Nikitinskaya

This article explores the communication process between the authorities and society via social networks on the example of the municipality of Severodvinsk. Online platforms have become the main source of communication between the government authorities and citizens since 2017. The recently appointed head of the city selected an effective strategy for establishing dialogue with the population; he chose a popular communication channel, published comprehensible texts, and demonstrated quick response to the citizens’ requests. However, having made wrong decisions, from the perspective of the city residents, the administration and the mayor faced a lot of negativity and limited communication in the social networks. The goal of this research is to determine conditions for using social networks as the main communication channel in building dialogue between the government and society on the example of the municipality of Severodvinsk due to the fact that in the course of implementing information policy, it demonstrated two different models of using social networks. The object of this article is the profile page of the administration of Severodvinsk in the social network “Vkontakte”. The subject is the communication process of the municipal authorities in social networks. The conclusion is made that the administration should take into account the specificity of social networks, such as openness in expressing emotions by the citizens; it is necessary to learn working with online platforms, separate work criticism from personal criticism, and establish the dialogue based on the rule of two-way communication, which implies not only sharing information, but also perceiving the feedback.


2016 ◽  
Vol 68 (5) ◽  
pp. 18
Author(s):  
Samir Amin

The political chaos that has recently dominated the scene in the Middle East is expressed, among other ways, by the violent resurgence of the Kurdish question. How can we analyze, in these new conditions, the scope of the claims of the Kurds—autonomy, independence, unity? And can we deduce from analysis that this claim must be supported by all democratic and progressive forces, in the region and in the world?… Debates on the subject produce great confusion. This is because most contemporary actors and observers rally around a non-historical vision of this and related issues.… I will offer a counterpoint to this transhistorical vision of social issues and "rights," through which the social movements of the past and present express their demands. In particular, I will attribute paramount importance to the divide that separates the thriving of the modern capitalist world from past worlds.Click here to purchase a PDF version of this article at the Monthly Review website.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 152-174
Author(s):  
Emerson Affonso da Costa Moura

ResumoA identificação de uma noção e conteúdo das funções sociais da cidade diante da insuficiência da regulação normativa e da divergência doutrinária, que se adéque as finalidades da ordem política e a função promocional do Direito, bem como, aos bens e valores fundamentais tutelados pela ordem constitucional é o tema posto em debate. Verifica-se em que medida, as funções sociais da cidade não podem se limitar àquelas previstas nas Cartas de Atenas, mas devem abranger e concretizar igualmente os princípios, objetivos, programas, direitos e garantias constitucionais.Palavras-chave: Direito da cidade; política urbana; funções sociais da cidade; Carta de Atenas; Constituição de 1988. AbstractThe identification of a notion and content of the social functions of the city in face of the insufficiency of normative regulation and doctrinal divergence, which adapts the aims of the political order and the promotional function of Law, as well as to the fundamental goods and values protected by constitutional order is the subject of debate. It is verified to what extent, the social functions of the city cannot be limited to those provided for in the Letters of Athens, but must also encompass and concretize the constitutional principles, objectives, programs, rights and guarantees.Keywords: City law; urban policy; social functions of the city; Athens Charter; 1988 Constitution.


Author(s):  
I A Rytsarev ◽  
A V Kupriyanov ◽  
D V Kirsh ◽  
R A Paringer

In this paper is dedicated to the World Cup held in the city of Samara from June 15 to July 15, 2018. As part of the work, a multithreaded collection in real time was organized, filtering and processing messages from users of the social network Twitter within the host city and its surroundings from May 15 to August 15, 2018. Then, a study was conducted of the texts of user messages on the subject of the popularity of topics and the construction of a “word cloud”. The second study was the construction of a diagram of the dynamics of the number of messages in different languages. As part of the work, modules for collecting, filtering and processing data using BigData technology were implemented.


Author(s):  
S.A. Denisov

In 1993 Russia announced the westernization of its political system. Its main institutions were enshrined in the Constitution of the Russian Federation (democracy, republic, separation of powers, rule of law). However, the researchers note that the reform failed. Russia only simulates the transition to Western standards of life. The author of the study sets himself the task of identifying the reasons for failure in the nature of the country's political culture. Applying a dialectical and materialistic approach to the problem, the author reveals the influence of the economic system of the country, the social structure of society, imitative changes in the political system, socialization, and traditions of society on the nature of the political culture of Russia. Based on his previous research, the author introduces a number of new explanatory theories. In his opinion, the movement towards the Western model is slowed down by the administrative class which does not want to lose its dominant position. It is not ready to move to a competitive political system, in which it loses its power and turns into a bureaucracy dependent on public politicians representing society. The service intelligentsia is engaged in spreading the public consciousness that is beneficial to the administrative class. Together, they support the type of consciousness of the population that is beneficial to them. Western political ideology is spread in society by the civil intelligentsia, but its significance is not great. The majority of the population agrees with the rule of the administrative class and votes in support of it. Therefore, there is no competitive political system in Russia. The mass consciousness of Russians remains irrational, which allows them to control it with the help of symbolic actions. It retains such archaic features as herd status and infantilism. An infantile person needs a master who decides for him in which direction society will develop, organizes this development, takes care of the population. People express dissatisfaction with this master, but accept his power and obey him. The degree of westernization of Russia's political culture is still very insignificant. The author defines it as 3 points out of 10. The political culture of Russia will be westernized as competitive capitalist relations develop in the country. Competition rules based on the law will gradually be introduced into the political life of the country.


Author(s):  
Luiz-Alberto de Farias ◽  
Marcelo-Simões Damasceno

The following study seeks to understand how the Facebook page of the City Council of Itapevi, Brazil, made political literacy possible through political education, discussions on the political agenda, and mobilization in its communication on the social network. The corpus of the analysis brings together 683 publications made in 2019, a period in which the page showed an increase in audience compared to the previous year (2018). The quantitative research, though with a qualitative look, identified posts that made political knowledge possible to the citizen, as well as interviews to understand the use of the social network by the institution. An appropriate analysis to understand the use of the network by the public body, since the latest survey by DataSenado shows that 74% of Brazilians have or have had a social network - Facebook, Whatsapp, Instagram, or Twitter. A significant number, especially when compared to data from the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE), from 2019, indicates that two-thirds of the country's population (69.8%) have an internet connection. These numbers drive the research of communicologists and political scientists, who seek to understand how this communication network is being part of people's daily lives. Mainly taking into account that the internet, and especially social networks, are becoming a space where different people connect, share content and participate in the political debate a few clicks away. The internet's expansion in Brazil and the number of people connected to networks made different public bodies create profiles on social networks to interact with people. A new channel that aims to establish a rapprochement with this digital audience, ensure transparency in management and encourage the participation of everyone in the decision-making process. As occurred at the City Council of Itapevi (CMI, in Portuguese). However, to guarantee a minimum of success in this digital endeavor, the information available on the networks must be of public interest and its content must be accessible, allowing citizens to understand how public authorities work and to know the process of choosing representatives. A knowledge that can be shared with the citizen through political literacy, as highlighted by Cosson (2016: 51): “these are knowledge related to the functioning of the State, with an emphasis on democratic mechanisms, which involves, on one hand, a knowledge about elections, parties and institutions, and on the other hand, the rights and duties of the citizen”. Therefore, the article was divided into four parts, in addition to the final considerations. The first seeks to clarify the difference between public and political communication; the second addresses how Facebook has supported CMI's communication strategy. Furthermore, there is a literature review on political literacy. Finally, the objective of this study: an analysis of the possibility of political literacy through publications made on the CMI profile on Facebook, in 2019, which concludes that the page is a virtual space for debate and public expression in the city, with growth potential for the promotion of citizenship and political knowledge. The study is based on publications in the areas of public communication (Matos, 2000; Marques, 2009; Correia, 2010), social networks (Recuero, 2009; Ferrari, 2004, Silva, 2020), and political literacy (Cosson, 2020; Biesta, 2009).


1970 ◽  
pp. 53-57
Author(s):  
Azza Charara Baydoun

Women today are considered to be outside the political and administrative power structures and their participation in the decision-making process is non-existent. As far as their participation in the political life is concerned they are still on the margins. The existence of patriarchal society in Lebanon as well as the absence of governmental policies and procedures that aim at helping women and enhancing their political participation has made it very difficult for women to be accepted as leaders and to be granted votes in elections (UNIFEM, 2002).This above quote is taken from a report that was prepared to assess the progress made regarding the status of Lebanese women both on the social and governmental levels in light of the Beijing Platform for Action – the name given to the provisions of the Fourth Conference on Women held in Beijing in 1995. The above quote describes the slow progress achieved by Lebanese women in view of the ambitious goal that requires that the proportion of women occupying administrative or political positions in Lebanon should reach 30 percent of thetotal by the year 2005!


wisdom ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 107-113
Author(s):  
Gegham HOVHANNISYAN

The article covers the manifestations and peculiarities of the ideology of socialism in the social-political life of Armenia at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century. General characteristics, aims and directions of activity of the political organizations functioning in the Armenian reality within the given time-period, whose program documents feature the ideology of socialism to one degree or another, are given (Hunchakian Party, Dashnaktsutyun, Armenian Social-democrats, Specifics, Socialists-revolutionaries). The specific peculiarities of the national-political life of Armenia in the given time-period and their impact on the ideology of political forces are introduced.


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