Providing and Taking the Opportunity: Women Civil Servants and Feminist Periodical Culture in Interwar Britain

Author(s):  
Helen Glew

Opportunity was the publication of the Federation of Women Civil Servants (later the National Association of Women Civil Servants), an organisation which campaigned for equal pay, equal opportunity and an end to the marriage bar in the British civil service. Opportunity tried to negotiate two purposes: to place the organisation at the centre of interwar feminism and debates on women in public life, and to be a space of community and education for its membership. In the 1930s, Opportunity was increasingly at odds with a significant segment of membership which saw less of a need for the publication in its current format, and the chapter discusses the ways in which editors and writers negotiated these discussions. Eventually, it was the evacuation of women civil servants to various locations around the country during the Second World War, rising wartime costs, and shortages of resources, which ended the publication of Opportunity.

Administory ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 138-154
Author(s):  
Frits van der Meer ◽  
Gerrit Dijkstra ◽  
Toon Kerkhoff

Abstract The central question on our article is: to what extent were the nature and content of merit principles for Dutch civil service systems influenced by the (changing) decentralized unitary state, during the periods of the Night Watch, Welfare and Enabling State between 1814 and 2016? In accordance with the decentralized unitary structure as originally devised by the 19th century Dutch statesman Johan Rudolf Thorbecke, personnel management and regulations were (and are) considered the prime responsibility of each (level of) government. Our article shows how neither in past nor present have there been hierarchical relationships in this area, with the exception of centralized wage settlements after the Second World War until the 1990s. In addition, we argue that civil service requirements have altered due to societal and public sector change. Those changes have become visible in a transition from a Night Watch to a Welfare State and more recently an Enabling State. This transition not only influenced what was expected of the role and position of civil servants at different levels of government in the decentralized unitary state. It also had an effect on what has over time been required of civil servants in terms of knowledge, capabilities, attitude, skills and experience. The article explains how the Thorbeckian decentralized unitary state provided a lasting but flexible format to accommodate these civil service system adjustments.


Slavic Review ◽  
1979 ◽  
Vol 38 (4) ◽  
pp. 583-602 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sharon L. Wolchik

All citizens shall have equal rights and equal duties. Men and women shall have equal status in the family, at work and in public activity. The society of the working people shall ensure the equality of all citizens by creating equal possibilities and equal opportunities in all fields of public life.ČSSR Constitution, Article 20When we Communist women protested against the disbanding of the women's organization, we were informed that we had equality. That we were equal, happy, joyful, and content, and that, therefore, our problem was solved.Woman Delegate to the Prague Conferenceof District Party Officials, May 1968When Communist elites came to power in Czechoslovakia at the end of the Second World War, they attempted to create a new social and political order. As part of this process, efforts were made to improve the status of women and to incorporate them as full participants in a socialist society.


2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 34
Author(s):  
Silas Webb

Punjabis in interwar Britain, who had migrated for economic opportunity but had been politicized during successive upheavals at home, admired Ghadar’s radical solidarities with nationalist and anticolonial movements. This article focuses on peripatetic Punjabi radicals, often working as pedlars and sailors, to enhance the current understanding of the vibrant relationship between the Ghadar Party and Punjabis in Britain. This article contextualizes Udham Singh’s martyrdom by examining the uses to which his name and image were put in radical publications. Furthermore, the Indian Workers’ Association, formed in the midst of the Second World War, was integral to articulating a Ghadarite anticolonialism in Britain, which was animated by the trial and memorialization of Udham Singh. Thus, this article argues that labor migration and the global transmission of Ghadar Party publications was integral to the Ghadar movement’s influence on the struggle against imperialism in Britain in the 1930s and 1940s.


The Athenaeum ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 243-269
Author(s):  
Michael Wheeler

This chapter, which considers the Second World War and its aftermath, reveals how the clubhouse provided a meeting place for those members whose contribution to the war effort kept them in London in 1939, as it had in 1914, and for those engaged in new debates on economic and moral reconstruction which arose before war broke out, continued throughout hostilities, and shaped the national agenda in 1945. In the case of Arthur Bryant's and Sir Charles Waldstein's own club, the 'secret power of England' was to be found in the lives and work not only of its leading politicians and serving officers who ran the war and became household names, but also its moralists, theologians, and economists who applied their minds to the demands of a future peace. Crucial to the war effort were those less well-known civil servants and intelligence officers, scientists, and engineers who used the clubhouse. While valiant efforts were made to maintain the usual services during the war, many aspects of club life were adversely affected. In its domestic economy, the Athenæum's responses to the exigencies of war were often reminiscent of those recorded in 1914–1918; shortages led to all kinds of restrictions.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-25
Author(s):  
Oliver Kearns

Abstract As the covert and clandestine practices of states multiplied in the twentieth century, so did these practices’ footprint in public life. This footprint is not just visual and material but sonic and aural, sounding the ‘secret state’ into being and suggesting ways of ‘listening in’ on it. Using multisensory methodology, this article examines Careless Talk Costs Lives, a UK Second World War propaganda campaign instructing citizens on how to practice discreet speech and listening in defence against ‘fifth columnist’ spies. This campaign reproduced the British secret state in the everyday: it represented sensitive operations as weaving in and out of citizens’ lives through imprudent chatter about ‘hush-hush’ activities and sounds you shouldn't overhear. The paradox at the campaign's heart – of revealing to people the kind of things they shouldn't say or listen to – made the secret state and its international operations a public phenomenon. Secret sounds therefore became entangled within productions of social difference, from class inequalities to German racialisation. Sound and listening, however, are unwieldy phenomena. This sonic life of the secret state risked undermining political legitimacy, while turning public space and idyllic environments into deceptive soundscapes – for international espionage, it seemed, sounded like ordinary life.


Time and Tide ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 273-278
Author(s):  
Catherine Clay

This chapter provides a brief account of Time and Tide during and after the Second World War, including the succession of mergers and transitions it passed through after the death of its editor, Lady Margaret Rhondda, in 1958. Still appearing weekly on news-stands in Britain during the height of the women’s liberation movement in the 1970s, the publication bearing Time and Tide’s name was nothing like its former incarnations discussed in this book. The chapter concludes that the two decades between the two world wars are indisputably the richest years of this periodical in terms of its energetic commitment to women’s participation in public life, and the prominence it gave to women writers and critics.


2008 ◽  
Vol 67 (4) ◽  
pp. 319-336
Author(s):  
Luc Vandeweyer

Na de Tweede Wereldoorlog werd de naleving van de taalwetten uit de jaren dertig ernstig verwaarloosd. Het afdwingen ervan kwam pas in de late jaren vijftig weer op gang. De Vlaamse ambtenaren die deze discriminatie beu waren, richtten daarvoor een drukkingsgroep op. Omdat ze kon teruggrijpen naar de vooroorlogse taalwetten, beschikte de organisatie over stevige juridische gronden. Deze bijdrage onderzoekt de eerste grote actie van het Verbond van het Vlaams Overheidspersoneel, gericht op de openbare omroep in België. Het is een toonbeeld van hoe de Vlaamse beweging kon herleven en het negatieve odium van de collaboratie tijdens de Duitse bezetting kon overstijgen door een argumentatie op basis van cijfergegevens en wetgeving.________Behind the scenes of the radio and television broadcasting network in 1959. A VVO-pamphlet about the application of the language lawAfter the Second World War the compliance with the language laws from the nineteen thirties was seriously neglected. Its enforcement was not reactivated until the end of the nineteen fifties. The Flemish civil servants who were fed up with this discrimination founded a pressure group for this purpose. The organisation had solid legal grounds, because it could refer to the language laws from before the war. This contribution investigates the first major action by the Union of Flemish Civil Servants (VVO) addressed at the public broadcasting network in Belgium. It exemplifies how the Flemish Movement could make a comeback and transcend its negative stigma from the collaboration during the German occupation by means of arguments based on statistics and legislation.


Legal Studies ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 24 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 169-187 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carlo Guarnieri

Traditionally, European continental judiciaries have been organised along a bureaucratic, civil service model. Early recruitment was complemented by the strong hierarchical character of the judicial organisation. Therefore, in this type of judiciary guarantees of independence have been problematic because of the influence hierarchical superiors (or in some cases the government itself) had on promotions.Since the Second World War the need for change has been increasingly felt. The main aims have been to increase external independence, especially vis-à-vis the executive, and to protect lower ranking judges from negative influence by the senior judiciary, often considered to be too responsive to governmental wishes.


Economica ◽  
1953 ◽  
Vol 20 (79) ◽  
pp. 285
Author(s):  
Marian Bowley ◽  
C. M. Kohan

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