Peace in the Twenty-First Century: States, Capital and Institutions

Author(s):  
Oliver P. Richmond

Oliver Richmond asks in Chapter Two whether we can move beyond the older ideas of peace and order – and their associated rationalities and dispotifs – which simply implied that IR and politics had to occur within the confines of power, structure and nature. Can we instead develop a more maximalist normative and ethical vision for IR? Can difference, inequality and unequal power be permanently managed by the state and international institutions or will they too become victims of unequal power, as appears often to have been the case since the Second World War? These questions are asked in the context of debates on liberal-democratic peace, human rights, and cosmopolitanism that are each linked with various forms of intervention; from development to peacebuilding and humanitarianism. This ‘interventionary system/order’ model has come under pressure from a range of different fronts, and as such this chapter examines how peace and development may be rethought in a global framework if the previous version of a progressive framework (i.e. the liberal peace) is now being revised and intervention has shifted towards neo-liberal forms.

2005 ◽  
Vol 99 (3) ◽  
pp. 463-466 ◽  
Author(s):  
MICHAEL W. DOYLE

Sebastian Rosato (2003) finds the logic of the “democratic peace” flawed in his “The Flawed Logic of Democratic Peace Theory,” and he cites my work and other studies as examples of the flawed logic. Some of the logic he describes is flawed, and it may characterize some of the literature in the wide field of “democratic peace,” but it is not the logic underlying the core of liberal peace theory. Indeed, the persuasive core of the logic underlying the theory of liberal democratic peace is missing from Rosato's account. Republican representation, an ideological commitment to fundamental human rights, and transnational interdependence are the three pillars of the explanation. The logic underlying the peace among liberal states rests on a simple and straightforward proposition that connects those three causal mechanisms as they operate together and only together, and not separately as Sebastian Rosato claims.


2019 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 52-66
Author(s):  
Julie Bates

Happy Days is contemporaneous with a number of seminal contributions to the concept of the everyday in postwar France. This essay suggests that the increasingly constrained verbal and physical routines performed by its protagonist Winnie constitute a portrait of the everyday, and goes on to trace the affinities between Beckett's portrait and several formulations of the concept, with particular emphasis on the pronounced gendering of the everyday in many of these theories. The essay suggests the aerial bombings of the Second World War and methods of torture during the Algerian War as potential influences for Beckett's play, and draws a comparison with Marlen Haushofer's 1963 novel The Wall, which reimagines the Romantic myth of The Last Man as The Last Woman. It is significant, however, that the cataclysmic event that precedes the events of Happy Days remains unnamed. This lack of specificity, I suggest, is constitutive of the menace of the play, and has ensured that the political as well as aesthetic power of Happy Days has not dated. Indeed, the everyday of its sentinel figure posted in a blighted landscape continues to articulate the fears of audiences, for whom the play may resonate today as a staging of twenty-first century anxiety about environmental crisis. The essay concludes that in Happy Days we encounter an isolated female protagonist who contrives from scant material resources and habitual bodily rhythms a shelter within a hostile environment, who generates, in other words, an everyday despite the shattering of the social and temporal framework that conventionally underpin its formation. Beckett's play in this way demonstrates the political as well as aesthetic power of the everyday in a time of crisis.


Author(s):  
Tony Smith

This chapter examines the United States' liberal democratic internationalism from George W. Bush to Barack Obama. It first considers the Bush administration's self-ordained mission to win the “global war on terrorism” by reconstructing the Middle East and Afghanistan before discussing the two time-honored notions of Wilsonianism espoused by Democrats to make sure that the United States remained the leader in world affairs: multilateralism and nation-building. It then explores the liberal agenda under Obama, whose first months in office seemed to herald a break with neoliberalism, and his apparent disinterest in the rhetoric of democratic peace theory, along with his discourse on the subject of an American “responsibility to protect” through the promotion of democracy abroad. The chapter also analyzes the Obama administration's economic globalization and concludes by comparing the liberal internationalism of Bush and Obama.


Author(s):  
Mary Elise Sarotte

This chapter examines the Soviet restoration model and former German Chancellor Helmut Kohl's revivalist model. The Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) hoped to use its weight as a victor in the Second World War to restore the old quadripartite mechanism of four-power control exactly as it used to be in 1945, before subsequent layers of Cold War modifications created room for German contributions. This restoration model, which called for the reuse of the old Allied Control Commission to dominate all further proceedings in divided Germany, represented a realist vision of politics run by powerful states, each retaining their own sociopolitical order and pursuing their own interests. Meanwhile, Kohl's revivalist model represented the revival, or adaptive reuse, of a confederation of German states. This latter-day “confederationism” blurred the lines of state sovereignty; each of the two twenty-first-century Germanies would maintain its own political and social order, but the two would share a confederative, national roof.


Author(s):  
Graham Butler

Not long after the establishment of supranational institutions in the aftermath of the Second World War, the early incarnations of the European Union (EU) began conducting diplomacy. Today, EU Delegations (EUDs) exist throughout the world, operating similar to full-scale diplomatic missions. The Treaty of Lisbon established the legal underpinnings for the European External Action Service (EEAS) as the diplomatic arm of the EU. Yet within the international legal framework, EUDs remain second-class to the missions of nation States. The EU thus has to use alternative legal means to form diplomatic missions. This chapter explores the legal framework of EU diplomatic relations, but also asks whether traditional missions to which the VCDR regime applies, can still be said to serve the needs of diplomacy in the twenty-first century, when States are no longer the ultimate holders of sovereignty, or the only actors in international relations.


2020 ◽  
Vol 38 (4) ◽  
pp. 97-121
Author(s):  
Thomas Klikauer ◽  
Norman Simms ◽  
Helge F. Jani ◽  
Bob Beatty ◽  
Nicholas Lokker

Jay Julian Rosellini, The German New Right: AfD, PEGIDA and the Re-imagining of National Identity (London: C. Hurst, 2019).Simon Bulmer and William E. Paterson, Germany and the European Union: Europe’s Reluctant Hegemon? (London: Red Globe Press, 2019).Susan Neiman, Learning from the Germans: Race and the Memory of Evil (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2019).Stephan Jaeger, The Second World War in the Twenty-First-Century Museum: From Narrative, Memory, and Experience to Experientiality (Berlin: De Gruyter, 2020).Robert M. Jarvis, Gambling under the Swastika: Casinos, Horse Racing, Lotteries, and Other Forms of Betting in Nazi Germany (Durham, NC: Carolina Academic Press, 2019).


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 92-116
Author(s):  
Putti Ananda Hiswi

After the disintegration of Yugoslavia, Slovenia made changes in its ideology and political system to become part of the European Union. However, as a newly independent country, Slovenia faces an unfinished successional political transition. Undertaking a democratic system shift will cause Slovenia to face several challenges: accepting and implementing new democratic laws, introducing a liberal economy with free initiative, and achieving national sovereignty as an independent country. Apart from being a newly independent country, Slovenia also has a history of war with Italy when it was under Yugoslavia during the Second World War. These conditions make Slovenia’s entry into the European Union problematic. This article aims to understand Slovenia’s policy transition process after the disintegration of Yugoslavia and its consideration to join the European Union. This article uses qualitative methods with data and literatures collection from various official documents, books, journals, and online news which discuss integration process and democracy implementation in Slovenia related to its integration to European Union. This article concludes that Slovenia’s decision to join the European Union - despite its position as a newly independent country and the history of war with Italy - was due to the belief that a common liberal democratic system could help open relations with fellow democracies. The similarity of this system can be seen from the application of the three pillars of liberal democracy in democratic peace theory. The theory postulates that when the three pillars are applied, liberal countries will not go to war with each other


2006 ◽  
pp. 33-57 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roger Mac Ginty

Author(s):  
Elizabeth C. Macknight

This chapter examines the interactions between nobles and various public bodies for the preservation of art, archives, and architectural heritage from the 1950s to the 2000s. It documents nobles’ communication with museum curators and archivists about the lending of items for exhibitions and about the donation or deposition of private archives for the State’s collections. Analysis of this correspondence sheds light on evolutions in twentieth-century attitudes toward patrimony, including the reasons that some items have been kept while others have been deliberately destroyed. The chapter shows how efforts to attract tourists to châteaux received increased stimulus and government support after the Second World War. Nobles in the twenty-first century remain closely involved in initiatives for heritage preservation via family networks and civic associations.


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