Unproductive Co-production: European Integration, the British Film Industry and the Franco-British Co-production Agreement of 1965

2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 152-175
Author(s):  
Jonathan Stubbs

The negotiation of bilateral co-production agreements had a major impact on European film-making from the 1950s to the 1970s. These agreements also provided the basis for the closer integration of Europe's film industries within what was then the European Economic Community (EEC). However, the British government was slow to adopt co-production arrangements and British film-makers tended to be more reticent about using them once they were made available. This article examines the British experience of European co-production during this period, focusing on the negotiation and implementation of the Franco-British co-production agreement of 1965 in the context of broader debates about film production and policy within the EEC. Particular attention is given to Someone Behind the Door (1971), a proposed Franco-British film which was ultimately made as a collaboration between French and Italian production companies after delays on the British side caused the French producer to withdraw from the UK. The correspondence collected by the Department of Trade and Industry (DTI) as the proposal for Someone Behind the Door was processed – including input from film union and producer associations – provides a unique insight into the bureaucratic policies and procedures which encumbered European co-production in Britain. While continental film-makers established comfortable habits of cooperation, British co-production was stymied from the outset by a misalignment between the interests of Britain's government, its film unions and its producers.

Author(s):  
E. V. Khakhalkina

The UK European Union membership referendum 2016 and its results actualized the study of the British initiatives in the sphere of integration before the entry into the European Economic Community in 1973. The article is devoted to the little-known in Russian historiography "Grand Design"of H. Macmillan, nominated in the wake of the failure of the Suez operation against Egypt in 1956. Plan with such bright and eye-catching name suggested the creation of a broad integration group in Europe as alternative with Britain as a leader to the preparing for the establishment of projects of the European Economic Community and the European Atomic energy community. The project was designed to restore the prestige of the Conservative Party and to strengthen the shaky position of Britain in NATO and European affairs after Suez Crisis. At the same time the emergence of the plan reflected the desire of the Prime Minister, Harold Macmillan to weaken the struggle inside political establishment between supporters and opponents of the country's full-fledged participation in the European integration and take the lead in the integration movement from France. Analysis of the content of the project and attempts to implement it within the framework of a Free Trade Area (FTA) reveals the essence of the "special position" of the UK towards supranational integration and the British vision of the future of European integration. Modern United Kingdom appeared in the new European realities after the Referendum on the country’s membership in the European Union and returns to the starting point on the path of supranational integration and to the search for its place in Europe. In these circumstances, the ideas expressed by British politicians more than half a century ago, may again prove to be demanded and relevant.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-15
Author(s):  
Hugo Canihac

This article contributes to the debate about the history of the political economy of the European Economic Community (EEC). It retraces the efforts during the early years of the EEC to implement a form of ‘European economic programming’, that is, a more ‘dirigiste’ type of economic governance than is usually associated with European integration. Based on a variety of archives, it offers a new account of the making and failure of this project. It argues that, at the time, the idea of economic programming found many supporters, but its implementation largely failed for political as well as practical reasons. In so doing, it also brings to light the role of economists during the early years of European integration.


1997 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 117-131
Author(s):  
Alec Cairncross

In the 1960s, when I was Head of the (UK) Government Economic Service, I kept a private diary of conversations and events which has just been published. The excerpts from the diary which appear below relate to what I learned in 1967–8 about French attitudes to issues of international importance in which the United Kingdom was involved. The diary deals with four such issues: (1) the British application to join the European Economic Community; (2) the proposals to add to international liquidity through the creation of a new unit or, alternatively, of Special Drawing Rights (SDRs); (3) the British devaluation of 1967; and (4) the Bonn Conference in November 1968, at which it was widely expected that agreement would be reached to devalue the franc and revalue the mark.


2018 ◽  
Vol 70 (2) ◽  
pp. 147-180
Author(s):  
Maja Kovacevic

Based on research topics that have been discussed in the context related to the European integration in the journal International Problems in the period 1949-1990, the aim of this paper is to consider the extent to which the Yugoslav science of international relations followed this process. The main thesis is that domestic science has studied all relevant aspects of the integration process and has kept up with the times and the key theoretical frameworks. After World War II, the focus was on the economic and political situation of the Western European countries, their interests, as well as the security context in which were launched the first integration initiatives: the German issue, the Marshall Plan, the Cold war and bipolar world, the process of decolonisation, the failure of the European Defense Community and the establishment of the European Coal and Steel Community, the European Economic Community and EURATOM. At the beginning of the 60s of the 20th century, great attention was devoted to the study of regional integration in general and its models, as well as the expected effects. Along with the slowdown in the European integration process in the late 60s and throughout the 70s, the attention of researchers gradually shifted to individual policies and initiatives of the European Economic Community: the Common Agricultural Policy, development of regional policy, association agreements, the Mediterranean policy, initiatives in the field of monetary integration. The 80s of the last century were dominated by themes that marked this decade in the process of European integration: factors for change in the European Economic Community, the initiatives for reform of the Treaty, the Mediterranean enlargement, the Single European Act, the program for completing the internal market, changes in the social policy of the Community and measures to promote technological development and strategy for the industry. Along with it, the focus was on the relationship between the United States and the Western European countries, East-West relations and relations of Yugoslavia with the Community.


1998 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 108-121
Author(s):  
W. Viviers ◽  
T F.J. Steyn

The integration of the European Communities (EC, today EU) has been described as one of the most successful examples of economic integration worldwide. This study examines the reason for this success from two perspectives. Firstly, the economic success of EC integration for the period 1945 to 1992 is investigated. It is concluded that, notwithstanding difficulties experienced, the economic integration process represents the EC's greatest achievement. An example of this is the completion of the EC internal market through the European Economic Community (EEC) customs union and the EC-92 programme. Secondly, the investigation focuses on the political success of EC integration. The evaluation shows that political powerplay endangered and inhibited the process of economic integration in the EC.


2011 ◽  
Vol 12 (8) ◽  
pp. 1637-1659 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sebastian Wolf

Only a few European integration experts know that Jean Monnet, one of the masterminds of the European Coal and Steel Community, strongly preferred the European Atomic Energy Community to the European Economic Community in the 1950s and 1960s. From his point of view, sectoral and technical cooperation in the field of nuclear energy seemed to be much more promising in order to foster European integration than cross-sectoral economic integration. Monnet and others believed that nuclear energy could, inter alia, solve all energy supply problems, would revolutionize research and technical development, and could contribute to unifying the peoples of Europe in a few decades. However, nuclear energy in general and Euratom in particular have belied these expectations.


2016 ◽  
Vol 17 (S1) ◽  
pp. 51-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ralf Michaels

Philip Jessup would not be pleased. Exactly sixty years after he published his groundbreaking book onTransnational Law, a majority of voters in the United Kingdom decided they wanted none of that. By voting for the UK to leave the European Union, they rejected what may well be called the biggest and most promising project of transnational law. Indeed, the European Union (including its predecessor, the European Economic Community), is nearly as old Jessup's book. Both are products of the same time. That invites speculation that goes beyond the immediate effects of Brexit: Is the time of transnational law over? Or can transnational law be renewed and revived?


2021 ◽  
pp. 100-120
Author(s):  
Anne Dennett

This chapter discusses UK membership of the European Union and the Brexit process. On 1 January 1973, the UK became a member of the European Economic Community, and the UK Parliament passed the European Communities Act 1972, allowing directly applicable European laws to take effect as part of UK domestic law which had an impact on parliamentary sovereignty. In the 2016 Brexit referendum, a narrow majority of the public voted in favour of leaving the European Union and the European Union (Withdrawal) Act 2018 repealed the European Communities Act 1972 on exit day when the UK left the European Union. Brexit has made significant changes to the UK constitution including the creation of a new body of retained EU law in UK domestic law, an impact on devolution, and raising the question of whether it has been a sufficient constitutional moment to trigger a codified UK constitution.


Author(s):  
Sally Tomlinson ◽  
Sally Tomlinson

Chapter 4 documents the way in which former colonised subjects with a variety of backgrounds, languages and religions were openly regarded as a threat to a British identity. Political moves included more immigration control and campaigns for repatriation. Violent clashes between the police and young minorities took place during the 1980s. Comprehensive schooling expanded and minorities were subsumed under the label of disadvantage. Attempts by teachers, local authorities, minority parents and academics to change policies in a multicultural and anti-racist direction were met with hostility. The public schools and some universities, educating many current politicians and civil servants, were not notable for embracing curriculum change. After a referendum the UK finally joined a European Economic Community in 1975.


2013 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-77 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lucian N. Leustean

This article investigates the Roman Catholic Church's role in the process of European integration from the first Hallstein Commission in 1958 to the failure of the Holy See's application to establish a diplomatic representation at the European Economic Community in 1964. The article focuses on the Church's response toward emerging European institutions and shows that local mobilization in Luxembourg, Strasbourg, and Brussels was instrumental in shaping relations between the Catholic Church and the European Communities (EC). The Church's position toward the EC, placing local communities as prime actors in dialogue with European institutions, reflected the sensitive nature of religion during the Cold War.


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