scholarly journals Protests, Pandemics, and Political Participation: Voter Turnout in Georgia in the 2020 Elections

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kiela Crabtree ◽  
Bernard Fraga
Keyword(s):  
Racial Differences ◽  
Voter Turnout ◽  
The Self ◽  
Racial Justice ◽  
Election Administration ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Electoral Mobilization ◽  
Vote By Mail ◽  
Black Voters ◽  
Protest Activity

We consider how pandemic-related shifts in election administration and racial justice protest activity impacted participation in 2020 primary and general elections in Georgia. Using a comprehensive statewide voter file, including data on the self-reported race and validated turnout of over 7 million registered Georgians, we analyze the combined effect of these events on racial differences in voter turnout rates, methods, and timing. We find that despite a shift to mail balloting, Black voters were significantly more likely to vote in person during the pandemic than White Democrats. These voters were later less likely to vote by mail (or vote at all) in November. We also demonstrate that Black turnout was significantly higher in the period following racial justice protests in Georgia than it was for other groups. The results of this study indicate how election reforms and non-electoral mobilization can shape turnout disparities even among highly engaged voters.

Does Voting by Mail Increase Participation? Using Matching to Analyze a Natural Experiment

2007 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 428-445 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thad Kousser ◽  
Megan Mullin
Keyword(s):  
Random Process ◽  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Natural Experiment ◽  
Demographic Characteristics ◽  
Electoral Reform ◽  
Large Sample ◽  
Selection Problems ◽  
General Elections ◽  
High Turnout ◽  
Vote By Mail

Would holding elections by mail increase voter turnout? Many electoral reform advocates predict that mail ballot elections will boost participation, basing their prediction on the high turnout rate among absentee voters and on the rise in voter turnout after Oregon switched to voting by mail. However, selection problems inherent to studies of absentee voters and Oregon give us important reasons to doubt whether their results would extend to more general applications of voting by mail. In this paper, we isolate the effects of voting in mail ballot elections by taking advantage of a natural experiment in which voters are assigned in a nearly random process to cast their ballots by mail. We use matching methods to ensure that, in our analysis, the demographic characteristics of these voters mirror those of polling-place voters who take part in the same elections. Drawing on data from a large sample of California counties in two general elections, we find that voting by mail does not deliver on the promise of greater participation in general elections. In fact, voters who are assigned to vote by mail turn out at lower rates than those who are sent to a polling place. Analysis of a sample of local special elections, by contrast, indicates that voting by mail can increase turnout in these otherwise low-participation contests.

Is Distance to Drop Box an Appropriate Proxy for Drop Box Treatment? A Case Study of Washington State

2021 ◽  
pp. 1532673X2110221
Author(s):  
Loren Collingwood ◽  
Benjamin Gonzalez O’Brien
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Voter Turnout ◽  
The United States ◽  
Washington State ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Primary 52 ◽  
The One ◽  
Vote By Mail

In the United States, drop box mail-in voting has increased, particularly in the all vote by mail (VBM) states of Washington, Colorado, Utah, and Oregon. To assess if drop boxes improve voter turnout, research proxies box treatment by voters’ residence distance to nearest drop box. However, no research has tested the assumption that voters use drop boxes nearest their residence more so than they do other drop boxes. Using individual-level voter data from a 2020 Washington State election, we show that voters are more likely to use the nearest drop box to their residence relative to other drop boxes. In Washington’s 2020 August primary, 52% of drop box voters in our data used their nearest drop box. Moreover, those who either (1) vote by mail, or (2) used a different drop box from the one closest to their residence live further away from their closest drop box. Implications are discussed.

scholarly journals Ketidaktaatan Sipil dan Pilihan Golput

2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 156-184
Author(s):  
Togardo Siburian
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Social Ethics ◽  
Civil Disobedience ◽  
The Self ◽  
Moral Ideals ◽  
Self Interest ◽  
General Elections

This article seeks to connect the ethics of civil disobedience with the practices of golput (abstaining from voting), that is, purposeful abstention from voting in Indonesia's general elections. By describing golput as a form of civil disobedience—for its ability to mobilize on principle; for its aims to achieve certain moral ideals—I argue that golput comprises the conscientious and soft-resistance of many citizens, in their struggle for civil rights. Evangelicals and their churches ought to perceive this issue of social ethics primarily within the framework of theology, not politics. Indeed during Indonesia's Reformasi era many of democracy's ideals—including justice and prosperity—have been misused for the fulfillment of the self-interest of the few people in power. Indonesian Christians, therefore, have a responsibility to act against such abuses of power, necessitating a theological framing for understanding the praxis of golput as a form of civil disobedience.

The Legal Context of Turnout

2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jan E. Leighley ◽  
Jonathan Nagler
Keyword(s):  
Voter Turnout ◽  
State Level ◽  
Electoral Rules ◽  
Cross Sectional ◽  
Data Set ◽  
Election Administration ◽  
Legal Context ◽  
Electoral Impact ◽  
The Cost ◽  
Cost Of Voting

This chapter considers the electoral impact the new, wider array of voter registration and election administration laws using a new data set collected on state electoral rules between 1972 and 2008. States vary tremendously as to how easy it is to register and to vote, and previous research suggests that these laws affect who votes because they change the cost of voting. However, most of these studies rely on cross-sectional data, and usually consider the influence of one reform at a time. The chapter provides aggregate (state-level) analyses of the effects of changes in these rules on voter turnout. These analyses help us address the question of whether overall voter turnout has increased as a result of these legal changes. It finds modest effects of election day registration, of absentee voting, and of moving the closing date for registration closer to the election on overall turnout. The effect of early voting is less clear.

Accessible Elections and Voter Turnout

2020 ◽  
pp. 51-68
Author(s):  
Michael Ritter
Keyword(s):  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
High Quality ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Early Voting ◽  
Panel Models ◽  
Election Administration ◽  
Midterm Elections ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Voting Laws

Chapter 4 evaluates the impact of convenience voting laws (in-person early voting, no-excuse absentee/mail voting, and same day registration) and election administration on individual-level voter turnout change from the 2010 to 2014 midterm elections and the 2008 to 2012 presidential elections using lagged panel models. Results show that non-voters are more likely to become voters when living in states with absentee/mail voting, in-person early voting, same day registration, and high-quality election administration, controlling for other factors. Same day registration is the most important of the three in both midterm and presidential elections, while early voting and absentee/mail voting have the largest effects in midterm elections.

Why Studying State Voting Laws Is Not Enough

2020 ◽  
pp. 31-50
Author(s):  
Michael Ritter
Keyword(s):  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Census Data ◽  
Political Interest ◽  
Omitted Variables ◽  
Early Voting ◽  
Election Administration ◽  
Disadvantaged Groups ◽  
State Adoption ◽  
Voting Decisions ◽  
Voting Laws

Early studies of the effects of voter laws on turnout often showed that early voting, absentee, and mail voting had limited impacts on voter turnout, with only same day registration consistently linked to higher turnout. Much of the previous research measured these laws in isolation (although most states have combinations of the laws), omitted measurement of election administration, did not account for possible selection bias in state adoption of the laws, focused on overall voter turnout rather than that for disadvantaged groups, and did not measure the effects of the laws on campaign mobilization strategies. Census data used in previous studies omitted variables (e.g., political interest and partisanship) known to influence voting decisions. Building on research from 2000s and 2010s, Chapter 3 emphasizes how causal inference research design and national voter files can lead to more precise estimations of the effects of convenience voting laws and election administration on voter turnout.

Weather and Voter Turnout: Kentucky Primary and General Elections, 1990-2000

2002 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 114-134 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jay D. Gatrell ◽  
Gregory D. Bierly
Keyword(s):  
Voter Turnout ◽  
General Elections

The Performance of Rational Voter Models in Recent Presidential Elections

1983 ◽  
Vol 78 (3) ◽  
pp. 678-690 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carroll B. Foster
Keyword(s):  
Voter Turnout ◽  
State Level ◽  
Pooled Data ◽  
Dummy Variable ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Statistical Studies ◽  
Voter Models ◽  
Rational Voter ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Cost Of Voting

In An Economic Theory of Democracy, Downs hypothesized that rational, utility-maximizing citizens would calculate the benefits from voting (as opposed to abstaining altogether) and then vote if this expected benefit exceeded voting cost. This hypothesis is logically derived from economic principles of rational behavior, but is counterintuitive: even if the utility increment is plausibly large, the probability of casting a pivotal, tie-breaking vote in any sizable polity is minute. Hence the expected benefit will be less than the time cost of voting, and no rational person will vote. Nevertheless, a number of statistical studies have found that voter turnout does respond to differences in the probability of casting a decisive vote, even though that probability may be small.This article uses data gathered at the state level from the 1968, 1972, 1976, and 1980 general elections to reestimate the relationship between voter turnout and the probable closeness of the election. Pooled data Least Squares Dummy Variable (LSDV) regressions are used whenever preliminary tests indicate that such pooling is permissible. The empirical results suggest that the relationship between closeness and turnout is weak, unstable, or nonexistent in all of the models tested.

scholarly journals Runoff Voters Will Do the Darndest Things: An Analysis of the 2008 Georgia Democratic Senate Runoff

2012 ◽  
Vol 32 ◽  
pp. 301-317
Author(s):  
Scott E. Buchanan
Keyword(s):  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Black Candidate ◽  
Black Voter ◽  
Rural Counties ◽  
Election Results ◽  
Black Populations ◽  
Southern Georgia ◽  
Black Voters ◽  
Levels Of Support

Testing the frontrunner loses myth and minority loses myth, this paper examines the 2008 Georgia Democratic Senate runoff between Vernon Jones and Jim Martin. Despite winning 40 per-cent of the primary vote, Jones lost in the runoff to Jim Martin. Methods: We use a variety of data to determine what factors were having the greatest effect on the election. Results: Vernon Jones's strongest support came from the rural counties of central and southern Georgia. While Jones did win high levels of support in counties with large black populations, the fact that Jones was not performing as well in counties in metro Atlanta highlights that controversies surrounding Jones may have been playing a larger role than race. Conclusions: The lack of black voter turnout in the runoff illustrates the problems that even a black candidate has in motivating black voters to return for the runoff.

scholarly journals THE POSITION AND AUTHORITY OF THE ELECTION SUPERVISORY BOARD IN INDONESIAN CONSTITUTIONAL SYSTEM

2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 71
Author(s):  
Uu Nurul Huda
Keyword(s):  
Supervisory Board ◽  
Institutional Arrangement ◽  
General Election ◽  
Administration System ◽  
Election Administration ◽  
Library Research ◽  
Election Process ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Constitutional System ◽  
Election Commission

The institutional arrangement of election organizers through the strengthening of the Election Supervisory Board is regulated in Law No. 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections. One of these arrangements is related to the strengthening of the position and authority of the Election Supervisory Board in handling election violations. This study aims to find out the position of the Election Supervisory Board in Indonesian administration system and to analyze the authority of the Election Supervisory Board in handling election violations. The method used in this study was a normative juridical method by employing library research. The collected data were then analyzed qualitatively. The results showed that the position of the Election Supervisory Board in Indonesian administration system is one of the state election organizers in which its position is equal to the General Election Commission and the Honorary Council of Election Committee. Meanwhile, the authorities of the Election Supervisory Board include; receiving and following up on reports relating to alleged violations in the implementation of legislations governing general election; examining, analyzing and deciding on violations in general election administration; examining, analyzing and deciding on violations of money politics; and receiving, examining, mediating or adjudicating, and deciding upon the resolution of election process disputes. Based on these authorities, the Election Supervisory Board as an institution is a super-body general election organizer in handling election violations.�Penataan kelembagaan penyelenggara pemilu melalui penguatan Badan Pengawas Pemilihan Umum telah diatur Undang-Undang Nomor 7 Tahun 2017 tentang Pemilihan Umum. Penataan tersebut salah satunya berkaitan dengan penguatan kedudukan dan wewenang Badan Pengawas Pemilihan Umum dalam penanganan pelanggaran pemilu. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui dan menganalisis bagaimana kedudukan Badan Pengawas Pemilihan Umum dalam sistem ketatanegaraan Indoensia, dan untuk mengetahui serta menganalisis wewenang Badan Pengawas Pemilihan Umum dalam penanganan pelanggaran pemilu. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah yuridis normatif dengan pendekatan penelitian studi kepustakaan dan analisisnya� menggunakan� deskriptif� analisis. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa kedudukan Badan Pengawas Pemilihan Umum dalam sistem ketatanegaraan merupakan salah satu lembaga negara penyelenggara pemilu, di samping Komisi Pemilihan Umun dan Dewan Kehormatan Penyelenggara Pemilihan Umum. Adapun wewenang Badan Pengawas Pemilihan Umum di antaranya�menerima dan menindaklanjuti laporan yang berkaitan dengan dugaan adanya pelanggaran terhadap pelaksanaan peraturan perundang-undangan yang mengatur mengenai Pemilu; memeriksa, mengkaji, dan memutus pelanggaran administrasi Pemilu; memeriksa, mengkaji, dan memutus pelanggaran politik uang; menerima, memeriksa, memediasi atau mengadjudikasi, dan memutus penyelesaian sengketa proses Pemilu.�Berdasarkan wewenang tersebut, Badan Pengawas Pemilihan Umum secara kelembagaan merupakan lembaga penyelenggara pemilu yang superbody dalam penanganan pelanggaran pemilu.

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